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Strata, Sfew Qotlt 






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fnterllbrary Io^jj 


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tine Cornell University Library. 

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629—645 A, D. 



S. W. BUSHELL, M.D.; C.M.G. 






Ketrinttd by the Radar Promt hy C. G. RSder Ltd., LeipBig, /g2J. 








4. TA&AS TO KAPIS ..." 82 










As will be seen from Dr. Bushell's obituary notice of 
Thomas "Watters, republished from the Journal of the 
Royal Asiatic Society for 1901 at the end of those few 
words of preface, Mr, Watters left behind him a work, ready 
for the press, on the travels of Ylian-Chwang in India in 
the 7*'' Century a. d. The only translation into English 
of the Travels and the Life of Tiian-Chwang, the one 
made by the late Mr. Beal, contains many mistakes. As 
Mr. Watters probably knew more about Chinese Buddhist 
Literature than any other European scholar, and had, at 
the same time, a very fair knowledge both of Pah and 
Sanskrit, he was the very person most qualified to correct 
those mistakes, and to write an authoritative work on the 
interpretation of Ylian - Chwang's most interesting and 
valuable records. The news that he ha'd left such a work 
was therefore received with eager pleasure by all those 
interested in the history of India. And Mr. P. F. Ar- 
buthnot , who had so generously ' revived our Oriental 
Translation Fund, was kind enough to undertake to pay 
for the cost of publishing the work in that series. I was 
asked by the Council to be the editor, and was fortunate 
enough to be able to receive the cooperation of Dr. S. 
W. Bushell C. M. G., late medical officer attached to our 
embassy at Peking. 

We have thought it best to leave Mr.Watters's Ms. 
untouched, and to print the work as it stands. The 


reader is requested therefore never to lose sight of the 
fact that, as printed, it has not had the advantage of 
any such corrections or improvements as the author might 
have made, had it passed through the press under his 

As a rule the author gives the Indian equivalents 
for the Chinese names of persons and places in their 
Sanskrit form. But occasionally he uses the Pah form, 
and there are cases where we find both Pali and San- 
skrit forms used even on the same page. I gathered 
from many conversations with the author, that this ap- 
parent inconsistency was intentional. At the time when 
Yiian-Chwang travelled in India, not only all the most 
famous Buddhist teachers, but all the teachers of the 
school of thought especially favoured by the famous pil- 
grim, the school of Vasubandhu, wrote in Sanskrit. But 
Pali was still understood ; and the names of places that 
the pilgrim heard in conversation were heard in local 
dialects. In his transcription the pilgrim would naturally 
therefore reproduce, as a rule, the Sanskrit forms, but he 
knew the Pali forms of ancient names, and the local forms 
of modern ones. It is not therefore improper, in an English 
work on Yuan-Chwang, to use occasionally the Pali or 
vernacular forms of Indian names. 

As regards the author's method of transUterating the 
name of the pilgrim I annex the copy of a letter by myself 
in the Journal of our society. Yiian-Chwang is the correct 
presentation of the present Pekinese pronunciation. What 
would be the correct presentation, in English letters, of 
the way in which the pilgrim himself pronounced it, is 
not known. 

Full indices, by the author and ourselves, and two 
maps which Mr. Vincent Smith has been kind enough to 
undertake, will be included in the second volume, which 
is in the press, and which we hope to bring out in the 
course of next year. 

With these few remarks I venture to ask for a generous 
and sympathetic reception of this posthumous work by an 


author whose untimely death was an irreparable loss to 
historical science, whose rare qualities of mind and the 
breadth of whose knowledge earned the admiration of 
those most qualified to judge, and whose personal qualities 
endeared him to all who knew him. 

T. W. Ehts Davids 

Nalanda, May 1904. 



With very much regret for the loss of an old friend, 
I have to notice the death of Mr. Watters, at Ealing, on 
January 10th. He was a member of the Council of the 
Society from 1897 to 1900, and a valued contributor to 
the Journal. The loss of a scholar who had such a wide 
knowledge of the vast literature of Chinese Buddhism will 
be deeply felt by those interested in the subject, as was 
amply acknowledged by Professor Rhys Davids in a few 
well-chosen, appreciative words addressed to the last 
meeting of the Society. 

He was born on the 9th of Februaiy, 1840, the eldest 
son of the Rev. Thomas Watters, Presbyterian Minister 
of Newtownards, co. Down. His fatlier died some ten years 
ago, after having ministered to the same congregation for 
fifty-six years ; his mother is still living at Newtownards. 
It was from his father that he inherited his great love of 
books, and he was educated by him at home until lie entered 
Queen's College, Belfast, in 1857. His college career was 
most distinguished, and he gained many prizes and scholar- 
ships during the thi-ee years. In 1861 he graduated B. A. 
in the Queen's University of Ireland , with first-class 
honours in Logic, English Literature,' and Metaphysics; 
and in 1862 took his M. A. degree, with first-class 
honours, again, in the same subjects and second-class in 

In 1863 he was appointed to a post in the Consular 
Service of China, after a competitive examination, with 
an honorary certificate. He proceeded at once to Peking, 
and subsequently served in rotation at many responsible 


spots in all parts of the Chinese empire. He was 
Acting Consul General in Corea 1887 — 1888, in Canton 
1891 — 1893, and afterwards Consul in Foochow until 
April, 1895, when impaired health compelled him to 
retire finally from the Par East, after over thirty-two 
years' service. 

But this is hardly the place to refer to Mr. Watters's 
official work, or to the blue-books in which it is bound up. 
In his private life he was always courteous, unselfish, and 
unassuming, a special favourite with his friends, to whose 
service he would devote infinite pains, whether in small 
matters or grave. 

His early philosophical training fitted him for the study 
of Oriental religions and metaphysics , which always 
remained his chief attraction. The character of his work 
may be summarized in the words of an eminent French 
critic , who says of Mr. "Watters : "A ses moindres notices 
sur n'importe quoi, on sentait si bien- qu'elles 6taient 
puisees en pleine source; et sur chaque chose il disait 
si bien juste ce qu'il voulait et ce qu'il fallait dire." 

Much of his best works is, unfortunately, buried in 
the columns of periodicals of the Far East, such as the 
China Review and the Chinese Mecordtr, his first published 
book being a reprint of articles in the Chinese Recorder. 
The list of his books is — 

"Lao-tzu. A Study in Chinese Philosophy." Hongkong, 

London, 1870. 
"A Guide to the Tablets in the Temple of Confucius." 

Shanghai, 1879. 
"Essays on the Chinese Language." Shanghai, 1889. 
"Stories of Everyday Life in Modern China. Told in 

Chinese and done into English by T. Watters." 

London, 1896. 

In our own Journal two interesting articles were con- 
tributed by him in 1898, on "The Eighteen Lohan of 
Chinese Buddhist Temples" and on "Kapilavastu" in the 
Buddhist Books." 


A far more important and extensive work remains in 
manuscrii^t, being a collection of critical notes on the 
well-known travels throughout India, in the seventh cen- 
tury of our era, of the celebrated Buddhist pilgrim 
Yiian-Ohuang (Hiouen - Thsang). In this Mr. Watters 
discusses and identifies all the Sanskrit names of places, 
etc., transliterated in the original Chinese text, and 
adds an elaborate index of the persons mentioned in 
the course of the travels. The work appears to be quite 
ready for publication. Should means be forthcoming, its 
appearance in print will be eagerly looked for by all 
interested in Buddhist lore and in the ancient geography 
of India. 

Mr. Watters has given his library of Chinese books, I am 
informed, to his friend Mr. E. H. Fraser, C.M.G., a Sino- 
logue of light and learning and a Member of our Society, 
who may be trusted, I am sure, to make good use of the 
valuable bequest. 




The name of the celebrated Chinese pilgrim and trans- 
lator is spelt in English in the following ways (among 
others) : — 

1. M. Stanislas Julien Hiouen Thsang. 

2. Mr. Mayers* Huan Ohwang. 

3. Mr. Wylie Yuen Chwang. 

4. Mr. Beal Hiuen Tsiang. 

5. Prof. Legge 2 Hsiian Chwang. 

6. Prof. Bunyiu Nanjio ' Hhiien Kwan. 

Sir Thomas Wade has been kind enough to explain 
this diversity in the following note : — 

"The pilgrim's family name was ^, now pronounced 
ch^en, but more anciently ch'in. His 'style' (official or 
honorary title) appears to have been both written 

^ 1 and jt 2. 

[n modern Pekinese these would read in my ti'ans- 
literation (which is that here adopted by Dr. Legge) — 

1 hsuan chuang. 

2 yiian chuang. 

The French still write for these two characters — 

1 hiouen thsang, 

2 youan thsang, 

following the orthography of the Romish Missionaries, 
Premare and others, which was the one adapted to English 
usage by Dr. Morrison I doubt, face Dr. Edkins , that 
we are quite sure of the contemporary pronunciation, and 
should prefer, therefore, myself, to adhere to the French 

» Eeaders Manual, p. 290. 2 Fa Hien, p. 83, etc. 3 Catalogue, p. 433. 


Hiouen, seeing that this has received the sanotification 
of Julien's well-known translation of the pilgrim's travels." 
It is quite clear from the above that in the Chinese 
pronunciation of the first part of the name there is now 
nothing approaching to an English H. And of course 
Julien never intended to represent that sound by his 
transliteration. Initial H being practically silent in 
French, his Hiouen is really equal to louen, that is, to 
what woidd he expressed by Yuan in the scientific system 
of transliteration now being adopted for all Oriental 
languages. But the vowel following the initial letter is 
like the German ti, or the French u, so that YUan would, 
for Indianists, express the right pronunciation of this form 
of the word. It is particularly encouraging to the im- 
portant cause of a generally intelligible system of trans- 
literation to find that this is precisely the spelling adopted 
by Sir Thomas Wade. 

This is, however, only one of two apparently equally 
correct Chinese forms of writing the first half of the 
name. The initial sound in the other form of the word 
is unknown in India and England. Sir Thomas Wade 
was kind enough to pronounce it for me ; and it seems 
to be nearly the German ch (the palatal, not the guttural, — 
as in Madchen) or the Spanish x, only more sibilant. It 
is really first cousin to the y sound of the other form, 
being pronounced by a very similar position of the mouth 
and tongue.' If it were represented by the symbol HS 
(though there is neither a simple h sound nor a simple 
s sound in it), then a lazy, careless, easy-going HS would 
tend to fade away into a y. 

The latter half of the name is quite simple for India- 
nists. Using c for our English ch and i) for our English 
ng (n or m or m), it would be simply cwai). 

Part of the confusion has arisen from the fact that 
some authors have taken one, and some the other, of the 
two Chinese forms of the name. The first four of the 
transliterations given above are based on Sir Thomas 
Wade's No. 2, the other two on his No. 1. All, except 


only that of Mr. Beal, appear to be in harmony mth 
different complete systems of representing Chinese charac- 
ters in English letters, each of which is capable of defence. 
The French, not having the sound of our English CH, for 
instance, have endeavoured to reproduce it by THS. This 
may no longer be used even by scholars ; but in Julien's 
time reasons could be adduced in support of it. 

It appears, therefore, that the apparently quite contra- 
dictory, and in some parts unprononceable, transliterations 
of this name, so interesting to students of Indian history, 
are capable of a complete and satisfactory explanation, 
and that the name, or rather title, is now in Pekinese — 
whatever it may have been elsewhere, and in the pilgrim's 
time — YtiAjn Chwang. 

T. W. Ehts Davids. 



The following works of this series are now for sale at the 
rooms of the Royal Asiatic Society, 22, Albemarle Street, 
London, W. Price 10s. a volume, except vols. 9, 10. 

I , 2. Rehatsek (Mr. E.) Mir Khwand's 'Rauzat-us-Safa', 
or 'Garden of Purity', translated from Persian. Part I 
(Vols. I and II) containing the lives of the prophets from 
Adam to Jesus, and other historical matter. 1891 and 1892. 

3, 4. Part II (Vols. I and II) of the above, containing 
a life of Muhammad. 1893. 

5. Part II (Vol. Ill) of the above, containing the lives 
of Abu Bakr, 'Umar, 'Uthman, and 'All, the immediate 
successors of Muhammad. 1894. 

6. Tawnet (Mr. C. H.) The Katha Kosa, a collection 
of Jain stories, translated from Sanscrit. 1895. 

7. Ridding (Miss C. M.). Bana's Kadambari. 1896. 

8. CowELL (Professor E. B.) and Mr. Thomas (of Trinity 
College, Cambridge). Bana's Harsa Carita. 1897. 

9. 10. Steingass (Dr. P.). The last twenty-four Maak- 
mats of Abu Muhammad al Kasim al Hariri, forming 
Vol. II; Chenery's translation of the first twenty-four 
Makamats sold with it as Vol. I. 1898. Price 15 s. a 

II. Gastee (Dr. M.). The Chronicles of Jerahmeel, or 
the Hebrew Bible Historiale. A collection of Jewish legends 
and traditions translated from the Hebrew. 1899. 

12. Davids (Mrs. Rhys). A Buddhist manual of psycho- 
logical ethics of the fourth century b.c., being a translation 
of the Dhamma Sangani from the Abhidhamma Pitaka of 
the Buddhist Canon. 1900. 

13. Bevbeidge (Mis. H.). Life and Memoirs of Gulbadan 
Begum, aunt of Akbar the Great, translated from the 
Persian. 1902. With illustrations. 

In prejMration — 

14. 15. Wattees (T.). On Yuan Chwang's Travels. 
(Vol. XIV ready. Vol. XV in the press.) 

16. Davids (Professor Rhys). The Katha Vatthu. 

17. Ross (Principal E. D.). History of the Seljiiks. 


Arrangements have been madefor the publication of the 

(1) Geeini (Lieut-Col. Gr. E.). Researches on Ptolemy's 

Geography. {In the Bress.) 

(2) WmTEENiTZ (Dr. M.). Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. 

in the Royal Asiatic Society's Library, with an 
Appendix by Mr. P. "W. Thomas. 8vo ; pp. xvi, 340. 
(Price 5 s., or 3 s. &d. to members.) 

(3) HntscECFELB (Dr. H.). New Researches into the 

Composition and Exegesis of the Qoran. 4to; 
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(4) Dames (M. Longworth). The Baloch Race. A 

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(6) Browne (Professor E. Gr.). Chahar Maq41a ("Four 

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The Chinese treatise known as the Hsi-yU-chi (or Si-yii- 
ki) ia one of the classical Buddhist books of China, Korea, 
and Japan. It is preserved in the libraries attached to 
many of the large monasteries of these countries and it is 
occasionally found for sale in bookshops. The copies offer- 
ed for sale are reprints of the work as it exists in some 
monastery, and they are generally made to the order of 
patrons of learning or Buddhism. These reprints are more 
or less inaccurate or imperfect, and one of them gives as 
the complete work only two of the twelve chilan which 
constitute the treatise. 

The full title of the book is Ta-T'ang-Hsi-yu-chi (;^ f 
W J^ tE)i that -is, "Becords of Western Lands of the 
Great T'ang period". By the use of the qualifying term 
"Great T'ang" the dynasty within which the treatise was 
composed is indicated and this particular work is distin- 
guished from others bearing the same general name. In 
some native writings we find the treatise quoted or designat- 
ed by the title Hsi-yii-chuan (-j^) which also means "Becords 
of Western Lands". But it does not appear that the work 
was ever published or circulated with this name. In its 
original state and as it exists at present the treatise is 
divided into twelve cMlan, but we find mention of an edi- 
tion brought out in the north of China in which there are 
only ten chiianA 

1 Hsiao-yueh-tsang-chih-chin {)]•, ^ ^ ^ ^) ch. 4, 


On the title-page of the Hsi-yu-chi it is represented as 
having been "translated" by Yuan-chuang and "redacted" 
or "compiled" by Pien-chi (^ ^). But we are not to take 
the word for translate here in its literal sense, and all that 
it can be understood to convey is that the information 
given in the book was obtained by Yuan-clmang from foreign 
sources. One writer tells us that Yuan-chuang supplied the 
materials to Pien-chi who wrought these up into a literary 
treatise. Another states that Yuan-chuang communicated 
at intervals the facts to be recorded to Pien-chi who after- 
wards wove these into a connected narrative. 

This Pien-chi was one of the learned Brethren appointed 
by T'ai Tsung to assist Yuan-clmang in the work of trans- 
lating the Indian books which Yuan-chuang had brought 
with him. It was the special duty of Pien-chi to give literary 
form to the translations. He was a monk of the Hui-chang 
(# ^) Monastery and apparently in favour at the court of the 
Emperor. But he became mixed up in an intrigue with one 
of T'ai Tsung's daughters and we cannot imagine a man of his 
bad character being on very intimate terms with the pilgrim. 
As to the Hsi-yii-chi we may doubt whether he really had 
much to do with its formation, and perhaps the utmost 
that can be claimed for him is that he inay have strung 
together Yuan-chuang's -descriptions into a connected narra- 
tive. The literary compositions of Yuan-chuang to be found in 
other places seem to justify us in regarding him as fully compe- 
tent to write the treatise before us without any help from 
others. Moreover in an old catalogue of books we find the com- 
position of a "Ta-T'ang-Hsi-yti-chi" ascribed to Yuan-chuang 
and a "Hsi-yii-chi" ascribed to Pien-chi in similar terms.' 
Further in Buddhist books of the T'ang and Sung periods we 
frequently find a statement to the effect that Yuan-chuang 
composed the Hsi-yii-chi, the word used being that which has 
been here rendered for the moment "redacted" or "compiled" 
(^).2 It is possible that the text as yve have it now 

1 T'ung-chih-liao, the Yi-wen-liao, cA. 4 (jj i^ B? tlie ® jit ^)- 

2 K'ai-yuan-lu (No. 1485) ch. 8: Su-kao-seng-chuan (No. 1493), 
ch. 4. See also Y.'s Memorial to the Emperor in Ch. 6 of the Idfe 


is for at least nine out of the twelve chiian practically 
that of the treatise drawn up by Yuan-chuang and presented 
to his sovereign. Some of the notes and comments may have 
been added by Pien-chi but several are evidently by a 
later hand. In some of the early editions these notes seem 
to have been incorporated in the text and there is reason 
for supposing that a few passages now in the text should 
be printed as interpolated comments. 

The Hsi-yii-chi exists in several editions which present 
considerable variations both in the text and in the supple- 
mentary notes and explanations. For the purposes of the 
present Commentary copies of four editions have been used. 
The first of these editions is that known to scholars as the 
Man-shan (^ jlj) Ssi-yii-chi, which was brought out at 
private expense. This is substantially a modern Soochow 
reprint of the copy in one of the collections of Buddhist 
books appointed and decreed for Buddhist monasteries 
in the time of the Ming dynasty. It agrees generally with 
the copy in the Japanese collection of Buddhist books in 
the Library of the India Office, and it or a similar Ming 
copy seems to be the only edition of the work hitherto 
known to western students. The second is the edition of 
which a copy is preserved in the library of a large Buddhist 
monastery near Foochow. This represents an older form 
of the work, perhaps that of the Sung collection made in 
A. D. 1103, and it is in all respects superior to the common 
Ming text. The third is an old Japanese edition which 
has many typographical and other errors and also presents 
a text differing much from other editions. It is apparently 
a reprint of a Sung text, and is interesting in several 
respects, but it seems to have many faults and it is badly 
printed. The fourth is the edition given in the critical 
reprint which was recently produced in the revised collec- 
tion of Buddhist books brought out in Japan. This edition 

on the completion of the Records which does not contain any mention 
or hint of assistance. Instead of the B reading ■^ the other texts 
have ^ which is the correct form. 



is based on the text recognized in Korea and it supplies 
the various readings of the Sung, Yuan, and Ming editions. 
Some of these variations are merely different ways of writ- 
ing a character but many of them give valuable corrections 
for the Korean text which is often at fault. 


In 1857 M. Julian published his long promised trans- 
lation of the "Ta-T'ang-Hsi-yti-chi" with the title "Memoires 
sur les Contrees occidentales traduits du Sanscrit en Chinois, 
en I'an 648, par Hiouen-Thsang, et du Ghinois en Fran^ais." 
This work was regarded by the learned translator as supple- 
mentary to his "Histoire de la Vie de Hiouen-Thsang et 
de ses voyages dans I'Inde, depuis I'an 629 jusqu'en 645" 
translated by him from the Chinese and published in 1853. 
He had already supplemented the latter treatise by an 
interesting series of "Documents Geographiques" on the 
countries of which the book makes mention. Julien's 
■'Memoires sur les Contrees occidentales" is a work of 
great merit, and it shows a wonderful knowledge of the 
Chinese language. Much use has been made of it by 
students of the history, geography, antiquities, and religions 
of India and Central Asia and on all these subjects it 
has been regarded as an authority. And although it is 
not wise to accept with unquestioning faith all the render- 
ings and identifications of the translator yet it is not with- 
out diffidence that one dissents from or condemns his inter- 
pretation of a difficult phrase or passage either in the Life 
or the Records. 

The only other translation of the "Hsi-yu-chi" into a 
western language is the English version by the late Eev"i 
S. Beal. This was published in 1884 with the title "Buddhist 
Records of the Western "World, Translated from the Chinese 
of Hiuen Tsiang (A. D. 629)". The title is characteristic 
of the translator, and the reader may compare it with that 
given by Julien to his translation. M' Beal's work is a 
translation partly "from the Chinese" and partly from the 
French. In it many of the careless mistakes which dis- 


figure Julien's treatise are corrected and its notes supply 
the student with numerous references to old and recent 
western authorities. 

Within the last few years the Preface to the Hsi-yfl- 
chi attributed to Chang yueh, to be noticed presently, has 
attracted the attention of some western students of Chinese. 
In the "Museon" for November 1894 there appeared an 
article by M. A. Gueluy entitled "A propos d'une Preface. 
AperQU critique sur le Bouddhisme en Chine au 7* siecle." 
This article gives M. Gueluy's criticism on Julien's trans- 
lation of the Preface and a new rendering by the critic. 
One can scarcely treat M. Gueluy's production seriously, it 
is so full of fancies and fictions and shows such a slight 
acquaintance with Buddhism and the Chinese language. 

Professor Schlegel, however, took the "A propos d'une 
Preface" seriously and has given us a criticism of it to- 
gether with a new translation of this Preface to the Hsi- 
yu-chi. The Professor's treatise, which shows much in- 
dustry and ingenuity, is entitled „La Loi du Parallelisme 
en style Chinois demontree par la Preface du Si-yti-ki." 
In this he defends some of Julien's translations against the 
criticism of.M. Gueluy and shows how absurdly vrrong is 
the latter's version. M. Schlegel brings numerous quota- 
tions from Chinese books to support his own renderings 
of the difficult passages in the Preface. Many of these 
renderings are apparently correct and an improvement on 
those by Julien, but in several instances the learned Professor 
seems to have missed the author's meaning. His criticisms 
on M. Gueluy's "A propos d'une Preface" drew from M. 
Gueluy a reply which is not convincing: it is entitled 
"L'Insuffisance du Parallelisme prouvee sur la Preface du 
Si-iu-ki centre la traduction de M. G. Schlegel." 


The life of Yuan-chuang is narrated at length in the book 
entitled "Ta T'ang Ta Tzu-en-ssu San-tsang-fa-shih-chuan", 
that is "Eecord of the Tripitaka Master of the Great Com- 
passion Monastery". It is this work of which Julien's "Histoire 


de la Vie de Hiouen Thsang" is an abstract, and of which 
M* Beal has given us a similar abstract in English. It 
is also the work usually cited in the following pages by 
the short title "the Life". From this and a few other 
Chinese treatises the following short summary of the an- 
cestry and life of the pilgrim has been compiled. 

The surname of the family to which he belonged' was 
Ch^en (^) and his personal name was I (||).i But he 
seems never to have been known in history, literature, or 
religion, or among his contemporaries by any other name 
than that written ^ (or jq) ^ and read Ssuan (or 
Tuan)-chuang (or ts^ang). In modern literature the cha- 
racter for Yuan is commonly used in writing the pilgrim's 
name, and this is said to be due to the character for 
JHsuan entering into the personal name of the Emperor 
Kanghsi. But we find Yuan in the pilgrim's name before 
the reign of Kanghsi and we find Hsiian in it during that 
reign and since. This interchange of the two characters 
is very common and is recognized. The personal name of the 
Chinese envoy Wang who went to India in Yuan-chuang's 
time is given as Hsiian (and Yuan)-ts^ d ^ o^^ % M) 
and the name of another great contemporary of the pilgrim 
is vn-itten Fang Hsiian-ling and Fang Yuan-ling (;g ^ or 
jQ f^). The two characters at the T'ang period may 
have had the same sound, something like Yun, and our 
pilgrim's name was probably then pronounced Yun-ts'ang.'^ 
This was his hui (||) or "appellation", called in the 
Life also his tzu (^). This word hui is often used to 
denote the Fa-hao or "name in religion" of a Buddhist 
monk, and it is sometimes replaced by tu{^)-hui or "ordi- 
nation name". It commonly means simply "the name of 
the deceased" that is, the name given to him when capped. 

' Su-kao-seng-chuan, 1. C: Shen-seng-chnan (No. 1620) ch. 6. 

2 The Japanese write the name Esuan-ts'ang but call the pilgrim 
^ Gen-jo corresponding to the Chinese Tuan-ts'ang. In Tibetan books 
the name is given as T'ang Ssen-tsang or T'ang Sin (or Sang), and 
Ssen-ts'ang is, I think, for Hsiian-ts'ang and not for San-tsang. 


and I do not know of any authority for Julien's rende- 
ring "nom d'enfance". 

The family from which Yuan-chuang sprang is said to have 
heen descended from the semi-mythical Huang-Ti through 
the great Emperor Shun, and to have originally borne the 
territorial designation of Shun, viz. Kuei (^). In very 
early times the seat of the family was in the district now 
bearing the name Kuei-te(|f ^)-foo in the east of 
Honan, and it was afterwards removed for a time to the 
neighbourhood of the present Ts'ao-chou in Shantung. At 
the time of Wu Wang, the first king of the Chow dynasty, 
a man known as Hu-kung-liuei-man (j^ ^ ^^ \^) was 
regarded as the lineal representative of the Shun family. 

This man was the son of 0-fu (g| :^) of Yu (}^) who 
had served Wu Wang as his T'ao-cheng (^ J]£), an 
officer variously explained as Director of Potteries and as 
Superintendent of Schools. The office was apparently 
hereditary and Wu-Wang rewarded Man by giving him 
his eldest daughter in marriage while at the same time 
lie ennobled him as How or Marquis, and endowed him 
with the fief of Ch^en (|^) that he might be able to 
continue the services of worship to his ancestor Shun. 
These honours made Man one of the San-k'e C^ 'fgf) or 
"Three Eeverends", that is, three who were faithfully 
diligent in the discharge of their public duties. The other 
K'es were according to some accounts the representatives 
of the ancient emperors Huang Ti and Yao, and accord- 
ing to other accounts the representatives of the founders 
of the Hsia and Yin dynasties, i Man's fief comprised 
the modern prefecture of Ch'en-chow in Honan together 
with the adjacent territory. It existed as a separate 
principality down to JB. 0. 478 when it was extinguished. 
The members of the reigning family were then dispersed 
but they retained Ch'en as their surname. 

1 T'ung-chih-liao, the Li (|§)-liao, ch. 3. These circumstances 
about Yuan-chuang's reputed ancestors are mentioned here because 
they are alluded to in the Preface. 


We have to come down to the end of the third century 
B. C. before we find a Ch'en of historical celebrity. We 
then meet with the famous Ch'en P'ing (^ ^) a native 
of Yang-wu (|^ |3;) in the present Prefecture of K'ai- 
feng (g^ ^) of Honan. In the time of the Han dynasty 
this Prefecture bore the name Ch'en-liu (^ -g) and this 
explains why Yuan-chuang is sometimes described as a Ch'en- 
liu man. His ancestor P'ing was an eccentric genius who, 
rising from extreme poverty to wealth and power, founded 
a great family and made himself immortal in history. 
His success in life and his posthumous fame were mainly 
due to his ready wit which never left him vrithout an 
answer, and to his ingenuity in devising expedients in 
desperate circumstances. Of these expedients six were 
counted extraordinary and successful above the others, and 
hence came the saying in his time liu-cli'u-ch'i-chi (7^ {i| 
-gf If ) that is, "six times he brought out extraordinary 
plans". These were all employed on behalf of Liu Pang, 
the Han Kao Tsu of history. They were stratagems or 
expedients devised to meet special occasions, they were 
kept very secret and were all successful. 

In the second century of our era we have another great 
man claimed as an ancestor of Yuan-chuang. This is Ch'en 
Shih (^ ^) better Imown by his other name Chung-Kung 
(ftt" ^)) 3- native of Hsii (=^) a district corresponding to 
the present Hsu-ohow-foo in Honan. At the time of the 
Han dynasty Hsii was in the political division called Ying- 
ch'uan (^ )\\) and hence we find Yuan-chuang often descri- 
bed as a Ying-ch'uan man. Tliis man Ch'en-Shih was called 
to office and served in the reign of Han Huan Ti (A. D, 
147 to 167). As an official Shih was pure and upright, 
attentive to business and zealous for the welfare of his 
people. Gentle but firm and kind but strict he won the 
affection, confidence and esteem of the people. His fame 
is chiefly associated with his administration of T'ai-Ch'ia 
(Jk £)) now the Yung-ch'eng (a< ^) District in the Kuei- 
te Prefecture of Honan. Here his personal influence was 
great and he made the people ashamed to do wrong-. Tlie 


effects of his just decisions and benevolent government 
spread over all the country, and people flocked to him 
from sun-ounding districts. Resigning office, however, after 
a few years he retired to his native place. He was happy 
and successful also in his family, and sons and grandsons 
grew up before him to virtue and honour. His family was 
recognized to be a cluster of T^-shing (f^ ^) Stars of 
virtuous merit, and Heaven took notice of the fact and 
visibly responded. In later life Chung-kung refused to 
return to office and died at home in the year A. D. 187 
in the 84*'' year of his age.i 

The next one that we have to notice in the line of 
descent is Ch'en Ta (^) the sixth from Shih. Ta lived 
in the 4"' century A. D. in the time of the Chin (g) 
dynasty. He also was a learned man and an official of 
some distinction. Being app6inted Magistrate of Ch'ang- 
ch'eng (^ ^ in the present Hu-chow (J^ <Hj) Foo of 
Chekiang he prophesied that his posterity would sit on the 
throne. This prediction was fulfilled in the year 556 when 
the tenth from Ta the illustrious Ch'en Pa-hsien (^ 5^) 
established the Ch'en dynasty. This branch of the family 
was settled in Hu-chow for more than 200 years, and it 
was not from it, apparently, that the immediate ancestors 
of our pilgrim were derived. 

We now come to Yuan-chuang's great-grandfather whose 
name was Ch'in (^). He was an official of the After Wei 
dynasty and served as Prefect. of Shang-t'ang (Ji ^) in 
Shansi. The grand-father of our pilgrim, by name K'ang 
(^), being a man of distinguished learning in the Ch'i 
dynasty obtained the envied appointment of Professor in 
the National College at the capital. To this post were 
attached the revenues of the city of Chou-nan correspond- 
ing to the modern Lo-yang-hsien in Honan. The father 
of our pilgrim, by name Hui (^), was a man of high 
character. He was a handsome tall man of stately mstnners, 
learned and intelligent, and a Confucianist of the strict 

• Hou Han-shu, ch. 62. 


old-fashioned kind. True to his principles he took office 
at the proper time, and still true to. them he gave up 
office and withdrew into seclusion when anarchy supplant- 
ed order. He then retired to the village Ch'en-pao-ku 
(W M 'S') ^* ^ short distance south-east from the town of 
Kou-shih (^ J05). This town was in the Lo-chow, now 
Ho-nan, Prefecture of Honan, and not far from the site 
of the modern Yen-shih (fg ||) Hsien. Yuan-chuang is 
sometimes called a Kou-shih man and it was probably in his 
father's home near this town that he was born in the year 600. 

The family of Ch'en Hui was apparently a large one and 
Yuan-chuang was the youngest of four sons. Together with 
his brothers he received his early education from his fatheri 
not, of course, without the help of other teachers. We find 
Yuan-chuang described as a rather precocious child shewing 
cleverness and wisdom in his very early years. He became 
a boy of quick wit and good memory, a lover of learning 
with intelligence to make a practical use of his learning. 
It was noted that he cared little for the sports and 
gaieties which had over-powering charms for other lads 
and that he liked to dwell much apart. As a Confucianist 
he learned the Classical work on Filial Piety and the 
other canonical treatises of the orthodox system. 

But the second son of the family entered the Buddhist 
church and Yuan-chuang, smitten with the love of the strange 
religion, followed his brother to the various monasteries at 
which the latter sojourned. Then he resolved also to become 
a Buddhist monk, and proceeded to study the sacred books 
of the religion with all the fervour of a youthful proselyte. 
When he arrived at the age of twenty he was ordained, 
but he continued to wander about visiting various monas- 
teries in different parts of the country. Under the guidance 
of the learned Doctors in Buddhism in these establishments 
he studied some of the great works of their religion, and 
soon became famous in China as a very learned and elo- 
quent young monk. But he could not remain in China 
for he longed vehemently to visit the holy land of his 
religion, to see its far-famed shrines, and all the visible 


evidences of the Buddha's ministrations. He had learned, 
moreover, to be dissatisfied with the Chinese translations 
of the sacred books, and he was desirous to procure these 
books in their original language, arid to learn the true 
meaning of their abstruse doctrines from orthodox pundits 
in India. After making enquiries and preparations he left 
the capital Ch'ang-an (^ ^), the modern Hsi-an ("g ^)- 
foo, in the year 629, and set out secretly on his long 
pilgrimage. The course of his wanderings and what he 
saw and heard and did are set forth in the Life and 

After sixteen year's absence Yuan-chuang returned to 
China and arrived at Ch'ang-an in the beginning of 645, the 
nineteenth year of the reign of T'ang T'ai Tsung. And never 
in the history of China did Buddhist monk receive such 
a joyous ovation as that with which our pilgrim was wel- 
comed. The Emperor and his Court, the officials and 
merchants, and all the people made holiday. The streets 
were crowded with eager men and women who expressed 
their joy by gay banners and festive music. Nature, too, 
at least so it was fondly deemed, sympathised with her 
children that day and bade the pilgrim welcome. Not 
with thunders and lightnings did she greet him, but a 
solemn gladness filled the air and a happy flush was on 
the face of the sky. The pilgrim's old pine tree also by 
nods and waves whispered its glad recognition. This tree, 
on which Yuan-chuang patted a sad adieu when setting out, 
had, obedient to his request, bent its head westward and 
kept it so while the pilgrim travelled in that direction. But 
when his face was turned to the east and the homeward 
journey was begun the old pine true to its friend also 
turned and bowed with all its weight of leaves and branches 
towards the east.i This was at once the first sign of wel- 
come and the first intimation of the pilgrim having set 
out on his journey home. Now he had arrived whole and 
well, and had become a many days' wonder. He had been 

Fo-tsu-t'uug-chi (No. 1661), ch. 29. 


where no other had ever been, he had seen and heard 
what no other had ever seen and heard. Alone he had 
crossed trackless wastes tenanted only by fierce ghost- 
demons. Bravely he had climbed fabled movmtains high 
beyond conjecture, rugged and barren, ever chilled by icy 
wind and cold with eternal snow. He had been to the 
edge of the world and had seen where all things end. 
Now he was safely back to his native land, and with so great 
a quantity of precious treasures. There were 657 sacred 
books of Buddhism, some of which were full of mystical 
charms able to put to flight the invisible powers of mischief. 
All these books were in strange Indian language and 
writing, and were made of trimmed leaves of palm or of 
birch-bark strung together in layers. Then there were 
lovely images of the Buddha and his saints in gold, and 
silver, and crystal, and sandalwood. There were also many 
curious pictures and, above all, 150 relics, true relics of 
the Buddha. All these relics were borne on twenty horses 
and escorted into tne city with great pomp and ceremony. 
The Emperor T'ai Tsung forgave the pilgrim for going 
abroad without permission, made his acquaintance and became 
his intimate friend. He received Yuan-chuang in an inner 
chamber of the palace, and there listened with unwearied 
interest from day to day to his stories about unknown lands 
and the wonders Buddha and his great disciples had wrought 
in them. The Emperor tried to persuade Yuan-chuang that 
it was his duty to give up the religious life and to take 
office. But the heart of the pilgrim was fixed, and as soon 
as he could he withdrew to a monastery and addressed 
himself to the work of translating into Chinese his Indian 
books. On his petition the Emperor appointed several 
distinguished lay scholars and several learned monks to 
assist in the labour of translating, editing, and copying. In 
the meantime at the request of his Sovereign Yuan-chuang 
compiled the Records of his travels, the Hsi-yii-chi. The first 
draft of this work was presented to the Emperor in 646, 
but the book as we have it now was not actually com- 
pleted until 648. It was apparently copied and circulated 


in Ms in its eaxly form during the author's life and for some 
time after. When the Hsi-yii-chi was finished Yuan-chuang 
gave himself up to the task of translating, a task which 
was to him one of love and duty combined. In his inter- 
vals of leisure he gave advice and instruction to the young 
brethren and did various kinds of acts of merit, leading 
a life calm and peaceful but far from idle. In the year^ 
664 on the 6"' day of the second month he underwent the 
great change. He had known that the change was coming, / 
and had made ready for his departure. He had no fears 
and no regrets: content with the work of his life and 
joyous in the hope of hereafter he passed hence into 
Paradise. There he waits with Maitreya until in the full- 
ness of time the latter comes into this world. With him 
Yuan-chuang hoped to come back to a new life here and 
to do again the Buddha's work for the good of others. 

In personal appearance Yuan-chuang, like his father, was 
a tall handsome man with beautiful eyes and a good com- 
plexion. Re had a serious but benevolent expression and a 
sedate and rather stately manner. His character as revealed 
to us in his Life and other books is interesting and attrac- 
tive. He had a rare combination of moral and intellectual 
qualities and traits common to Chinese set off by a strong- 
ly marked individuality. We find him tender and affectio- 
nate to his parents and brothers, clinging to them in his 
youth and lovingly mindful of them in his old age. He 
was zealous and enthusiastic, painstaking and persevering, 
but without any sense of humour and without any inven- 
tive genius. His capacity for work was very great and 
his craving for knowledge and love of learning were an 
absorbing passion. Too prone at times to follow authority 
and accept ready-made conclusions he was yet self possessed 
and independent. A Confucianist by inheritance and early 
training, far seen in native lore and possessing good abi- 
lities, he became an uncompromising Buddhist. Yet he 
never broke wholly with the native system which he learn- 
ed from his father and early teachers. The splendours 
of India and the glories of its religion did not weaken 


or shake his love for China and his admiration for its 
old ways of domestic, social, and political life. When he 
was more than sixty years of age he wished to pay the 
duty of filial piety at his parents' tombs. Unable to dis- 
cover these he sought out his married sister M'° Chang, 
and by her help he found them. Then, distressed at the 
bad state in which the tombs were at the time, he ob- 
tained leave from the Emperor to have the remains of 
his parents transferred to a happy ground and reinterred 
with honourable burial. Though the man had long ago 
become a devoted son of Sakyamuni he still owned a 
loving duty to his earthly parents. 

As a Buddhist monk Yuan-chuang was very rigorous in 
keeping the rules of his order and strict in all the observan- 
ces of his religion. But his creed was broad, his piety never 
became ascetic, and he was by nature tolerant. There 
were lengths, however, to which he could not go, and 
even his powerful friend the Emperor T'ai Tsung could 
not induce him to translate Lao-tzu's "Tao-Te-Ching" 
into Sanskrit or recognize Lao-tzu as in rank above the 
Buddha. Modest and self-denying for himself Tuan-chuang 
was always zealous for the dignity of his order and bold 
for the honour of its founder. He was brave to a marvel, 
and faced without fear the unknown perils of the visible 
world and the unimagined terrors of unseen beings. Strong 
of will and resolute of purpose, confident in himself and 
the mission on which he was engaged, he also owned de- 
pendence on other and higher beings. He bowed in 
prayer and adoration to these and sued to them for help 
and protection in aU times of despair and distress. His 
faith was simple and almost unquestioning, and he had 
an aptitude for belief which has been called credulity. 
But his was not that credulity which lightly believes the 
impossible and accepts any statement merely because 
it is on record and suits the convictions or prejudices of 
the individual. Yuan-chuang always wanted to have his 
ovra personal testimony, the witness of his own senses or 
at least his personal experience. It is true his faith helped 


his unbelief, and it was too easy to convince -him where 
a Buddhist miracle was concerned. A hole in the ground 
without any natural history, a stain on a rock without 
any explanation apparent, any object held sacred by the 
old religion of the fathers, and. any marvel professing to 
be substantiated by the narrator, was generally sufficient 
to drive away his doubts and bring comforting belief. 
But partly because our pilgrim was thus too ready to 
believe, though partly also for other reasons, he did not 
make the best use of his opportunities. He was not a 
good observer, a careful investigator, or a satisfactory 
recorder, and consequently he left very much untold which 
he would have done well to tell. 

We must remember, however, that Yuan-chuang in his tra- 
vels cared little for other things and wanted to know only 
Buddha and Buddhism. His perfect faith in these, his 
devotion to them and his enthusiasm for them were re- 
markable to his contemporaries, but to us they are still 
more extraordinary. For theBuddhism to which Yuan-chuang 
adhered, the system which he studied, revered, and propa- 
gated, differed very much from the religion taught by 
Gautama Buddha. That knew little or nothing of Yoga 
and powerful magical formulae used with solemn invocations. 
It was not on Prajiiaparamita and the abstract subtleties 
of a vague and fruitless philosophy, nor on dream-lands 
of delight beyond the tomb, nor on P'usas like Kuan-shi- 
yin who supplant the Buddhas, that the great founder of 
the religion preached and discoursed to his disciples. But 
Yuan-chuang apparently saw no inconsistency in believing 
in these while holding to the simple original system. Yet he re- 
garded those monks who adhered entirely to the "Small 
Vehicle" as wrong in doctrine and practice, and he tried 
to convert such to his own belief wherever he met them 
or came into correspondence with them. 

After Yuan-chuang's death great and marvellous things 
were said of him. His body, it was believed, did not see cor- 
ruption and he appeared to some of his disciples in visions 
of the night. In his lifetime he had been called a "Present 


Sakyamuni", and when he was gone his followers raised 
him to the rank of a -founder of -Schools or Sects in 
Buddhism. In one treatise we find the establishment of 
three of these schools ascribed to him, and in another 
work he is given as the founder in China of a fourth 
school. This last is said to have been originated in India 
at Nalanda by Silabhadra one of the great Buddhist monks 
there with whom Yuan-chuang studied. * 

In some Buddhist temples we find images of our pil- 
grim to which a minor degree of worship is occasionally 
offered. These images usually represent the pilgrim seated 
clothed in his monk's robes and capped, with his right 
hand raised and holding his alms-bowl in his left. 

There is only one Preface in the A, B, and C editions 
of the "Hsi-yii-chi", but the D edition gives two Prefaces. 
The second of these is common to all, while the first is 
apparently only in D and the Corean edition. This latter 
was apparently unknown to native editors and it was un- 
known to the foreign translators. This Preface is the 
work of Ching Po (^ ^), a scholar, author, and official 
of the reigns of T'ang Kao Tsu and T'ai Tsung. Ching 
Po was well read in the history of his country and was 
in his lifetime an authority on subjects connected there- 
with. He was the chief compiler and redactor of the 
"Chin Shu (§ ^), an important treatise which bears on 
its title-page the name of T'ang T'ai Tsung as author. 
Ching Po's name is also associated with other historical 
works, and notably with two which give an official account 
of the rise of the T'ang dynasty and of the great events 
which marked the early years of T'ai Tsung. It is plain 
from this Preface that its author was an intimate friend 

1 Chen-ming-inu-t'u (^ ^ @ ^) last page: Fo-tsu-t'ung-chi, I.e. 
where Yuan-chuang is the founder of the Tzii-en-tsung C^ ^, ^) in 
China, and this is theFa-hsiang(J'^ ;j;g)- tsung of the San-kuo-fa-chuan 
(H PI ?i'f5) ^^^ other works: See also M' Bunyiu Nanjio's "Short 
History of the Twelve Buddhist Sects" p. 33. 


of Yuan-cliuang whose name he does not think it necessary 
to mention. He seems to have known or regarded Yuan- 
chuang as the sole author of the "Hsi-yu-chi", writing of him 
thus: — "he thought it no toil to reduce to order the notes 
which he had written down". Ching Po must have written 
this Preface before 649, as in that year he was sent away 
from the capital to a provincial appointment and died on 
the way. The praises which he gives Yuan-chuang and their 
common master, the Emperor, are very liberal, and he knew 
them both well. 

The second Preface, which is in all editions except the 
Corean, is generally represented as having been written 
by one Chang Yiieh (5^ ^). It has been translated fairly 
well by Julien, who has added numerous notes to explain the 
text and justify his renderings. He must have studied 
the Preface with great care and spent very many hours 
in his attempt to elucidate its obscurities. Yet it does 
not seem to have occurred to him to learn who Chang 
Yiieh was and when he lived. 

Now the Chang Yiieh who bore the titles found at the 
head of the Preface above the name was born in 667 and 
died in 730, thus living in the reigns of Kao Tsung, Chung 
Tsung, Jui Tsung, and Hsuan Tsung. He is known in 
Chinese literature and history as a scholar, author, and 
\ official of good character and abilities. His Poems and 
Essays, especially the latter, have always been regarded 
as models of style, but they are not well known at present. 
In 689 Chang Yiieh became qualified for the public ser- 
vice, and soon afterwards he obtained an appointment at 
the court of the Empress Wu Hou. But he did not prove 
acceptable to that ambitious, cruel and vindictive sovereign, 
and in 703 he was sent away to the Ling-nan Tao (the 
modern Kuangtung). Soon afterwards, however, he was 
recalled and again appointed to office at the capital. He 
served Hsiian Huang (Ming Huang) with acceptance, rising 
to high position and being ennobled as Yen kuo kung 

Now if, bearing in mind the facts of Chang Yiieh's 



birth and career, we read with attention the Preface 
which bears his name we cannot fail to see that it could 
not have been composed by that official. Passing by 
other arguments, let us take the following statement in 
the Preface — "the reigning sovereign when heir-apparent 
composed the "Shu-sheng-chi" (^ ^ fE)i or Memoir on the 
transmission of Buddhism, in 579 words." Now the sover- 
eign who wrote the "Shu-sheng-chi" was, as we know from 
the Seventh Book of the Life and other sources, Kao 
Tsung. That Emperor died in 683 when Chang Ytieh 
was only sixteen years of age and the Preface must have 
been written before that date. So, according to the Chi- 
nese authorities and their translators Julien and Professor 
G. Schlegel, it was a schoolboy who composed this wonder- 
ful Preface, this "morceau qui offre un specimen bien 
caracterise de ces eloges pompeux et vides, et presente, 
par consequent les plus grandes diffioultes, non-seulement 
a. un traducteur de I'Occident, mais encore a tout lettre 
Chinois qui ne connaitrait que les idees et la langue de 
I'ecole de Confucius." "We may pronounce this impossible 
as the inorceau is evidently the work of a ripe scholar 
well read not only in Confucianism but also in Buddhism. 
Moreover the writer was apparently not only a contempo- 
rary but also a very intimate friend of Yuan-chuang. 
Who then was the author? 

In the A and C editions and in the old texts Chang 
Yiieh's name does not appear on the title-page to this 
Preface. It is said to have been added by the editors 
of the Ming period when revising the Canon. Formerly 
there stood at the head of the Preface only the titles and 
rank of its author. We must now find a man who bore 
these titles in the Kao Tsung period, 650 to 683, and 
who was at the same time a scholar and author of dis- 
tinction and a friend of the pilgrim. And precisely such 
a man we find in Yii Chih-ning (^ jg ^), one of the 
brilliant scholars and statesmen who shed a glory on the 
reigns of the early T'ang sovereigns. Yti was a good and 
faithful servant to T'ai'Tsung who held him in high esteem 


and took his counsel even when it was not very palatable. 
On the death of T'ai Tsung his son and successor Kao 
Tsung retained Tu in favour at Court and rewarded him 
with well-earned honours. In 656 the Emperor appointed 
Yu along with some other high officials to help in the 
redaction of the translations which Yuan-chuang jvas then 
making from the Sanskrit books. Now about this time Yii, 
as we know from a letter addressed to him by.Hui-li and 
from other sources, bore the titles which appear at the 
head of the Preface. He was also an Immortal of the 
Academy, a Wen-kuan Hsuo-sht (^ t§ ^ i)- H^ was 
one of the scholars who had been appointed to compile 
the "Sui Shu" or Records of the Sui dynasty and his 
miscellaneous writings from forty chuan. Yti was probably 
a fellow-labourer with Yuan-chuang until the year 660. At 
that date the concubine of many charms had become all- 
powerful in the palace and she was the unscrupulous foe 
of all who even seemed to block her progress. Among 
these was Yii, who, accordingly; was this year sent away 
intp official exile and apparently never returned. 

We need have little hesitation then in setting down 
Yu Chih-ning as the author of this Preface. It was un- 
doubtedly written while Yuan-chuang was alive, and no one 
except an intimate friend of Yuan-chuang could have learned 
all the circumstances about him, his genealogy and his inti- 
macy with the sovereign mentioned or alluded to in the Pre- 
face. We need not suppose that this elegant composition was 
designed by its author to serve as a Preface to the Hsi- 
yii-chi. It was probably written as an independent eulogy 
of Yuan-chuang setting forth his praises as a man of old 
family, a record-beating traveller, a zealous Buddhist monk 
of great learning and extraordinary abilities, and a propa- 
gator of Buddhism by translations from the Sanskrit, i 

This Preface, according to all the translators, tells us 

1 Life, ch. 8: Ku-chin-i-ching-t'u-chi (No. 1487) last page: Post- 
script to Y.'s "Ch'eng-wei-chih-lun" (No. 1197) where Yii Chih-ning 
is styled as in the heading to the Preface. 



that the pilgrim acting under Imperial orders translated 
657 Sanskrit books, that is, all the Sanskrit books which 
he had brought home with him from the Western Lands. 
No one seems to have pointed out that this was an utterly 
impossible feat, and that Yuan-chuang did not attempt to 
do anything of the kind. The number of Sanskrit texts 
which he translated was seventy four, and these seventy four 
treatises (jpu) made in all 1335 chiian. To accomplish 
this within seventeen years was a very great work for a 
delicate man with various calls on his time.* 

The translations made by Yuan-chuang are generally re- 
presented on the title-page as having been made by Imperial 
order and the title-page of the Hsi-yii-chi has the same intima- 
tion. "We know also from the Life that it was at the special 
request of the Emperor T'ai Tsung that Yuan-chuang com- 
posed the latter treatise. So we should probably under- 
stand the passage in the Preface with which we are now 
concerned as intended to convey the following information. 
The pilgrim received Imperial orders to translate the 657 
Sanskrit treatises, and to make the Ta-T'ang-Hsi-yii-chi 
in twelve chiian, giving his personal observation of the 
strange manners and customs of remote and isolated re- 
gions, their products and social arrangements, and the 
places to which the Chinese Calendar and the civilising 
influences of China reached.^ 

Then the number 657 given here and in other places 
as the total of the Sanskrit treatises (pu) does not agree 
with the items detailed in the various editions of the 
Life and the A, B, and D texts of the Kecords. In the 
C text of the Records, however the items make up this 
total They are as follows: — 

' See Life eh. 10. Julien's translation of this passage cannot be 
used. B. Nanjio'B Catalogue p. 435. M' Nanjio makes the total 75, 
but he counts the Chin-kang-ching twice. 

2 See Life ch. 6. The term here rendered "civilizing influences 
of China" is sheng-ehiao (^ ^). This term is often used by 
Buddhist writers as a synonym for "Buddhist religion". 


Mahayanist sutras 224 pu 

Mahayanist Sastras 192 

SthaTira sutras, ^astras and Vinaya 14 

Mahasangika „ „ „ 15 

MahlSaSaka „ „ „ 22 

Sanunitiya „ „ „ 15 

KaSyapiya „ „ „ 17 

Dharmagapta sutras, Vinaya, ^astras 42 

Sarvastivadin „ „ „ 67 

Yin-lun (Treatises on the science of Inference) 36 

Sheng-lun (Etymological treatises) 13 

657 pu 



At the beginning of Chiian I of the Records we have a 
long passage which, following Julien, we may call the Intro- 
duction. In a note Julien tells us that "suivant les editeurs 
du Fien-i-tien, cette Introduction a ete compose par Tschang- 
choue (i. e. Chang Tue), auteur de la preface du 8i-yu- 
Jci". Another native writer ascribes the composition of 
this Introduction to Pien-chi. But a careful reading of the 
text shews us that it could not have been written by 
either of these and that it must be regarded as the work 
of the pilgrim himself. This Introduction may possibly be 
the missing Preface written by Yuan-chuang according to 
a native authority. 

The Introduction begins — "By going back over the measures 
of the [Three] Suang and examining from this distance of time 
the records of the [Five] Ti we learn the beginnings of the 
reigns of Pao-hsi (Fu-hsi) and Hsien-Yuan (Huang Ti) by whom 
the people were brought under civil government and the country 
■was marked off into natural divisions. And [we learn how] Tao 
of T'ang receiving astronomical knowledge (lit. "Celestial revo- 
lutions") his light spread everywhere, and how Shun of Yii being 
entrusted with the earthly arraogements his excellent influences 
extended to all the empire. From these down only the archives 
of recorded events have been transmitted. To hear of the vir- 
tuous in a far off past, to merely learn from word-recording 
historians — what are these compared with the seasonable meeting 
with a time of ideal government and the good fortuna living 
under a sovereign who reigns without ruling?" 

The original of the last two sentences of this passage 
is rendered by Julien thus. "Depuis cette epoque (i. e,, the 

YUAN chuang's inteoduction. 23 

time of Yao and Shun) jusqu'ti nos jours c'est en vain 
qu'on consulte les annales oii sont consignes Ifes evene- 
ments, que I'on ecoute les opinions emanees des anciens 
sages, que I'on interroge les historiens qui recueillaient les 
paroles memorables. II en est bien autrement lorsqu'on 
vit sous une dynastie vertueuse et qu'on est soumis k un 
prince qui pratique le non-agir." The text is here given, 

^ ^ fl# Jl W ^ JS 1 i^ ^ ^ M and it will be seen that 
Julien's translation is hasty and inaccurate and that it does 
an injustice to the author. No Chinese scholar, Buddhist 
or Confucianist, would ever write in this disparaging way 
of the books of national history including the "Springs 
and Autumns" of Confucius, the commentaries on that 
treatise, and later works. What our author here states to 
his reader is to this effect. In the records of the very 
early times we find the institution of government officials 
. to guide and teach the people ('p] if:5; ^ %), the first mapp- 
ing out of the empire into natural divisions with cor- 
responding star-clusters (^ ft ^ 1 -f), the adaptation 
of astronomical learning to practical uses, and the first 
systematic reclamation of land and distribution of the 
country into political divisions. These great and bene- 
ficial achievments of the early sovereigns are mentioned 
only with the view of comparing the Emperor on the 
throne with these glorified remote predecessors. From 
the time of Yao and Shun down, according to our author, 
the annals of the empire contained only dry records of 
ordinary events. 

All this is only the prelude to the generous panegyric 
which our author proceeds to lavish on the T'ang, dynasty or 
rather on the sovereign reigning at the time, viz. T'ai Tsung. 
A rough and tentative translation of this eulogy is now given 
and the reader can compare it with Julien's version. 

"As to our great Tang dynasty, it assumed empire' in accor- 

' The term here rendered "assumed empire" is yu-clii (||p jSj) 
which J. translates by "gouverne"'. But the context seems to show 

24 YUAN chtjakg's inteoductiox. 

dance with Heaven, and taking advantage of the times it con- 
centrated power to itself. [His Majesty] has made the six units 
of countries into one empire and this his glory fills; he is a 
fourth to the Three Huang and his light illumines the world. 
His subtle influence permeates widely and his auspicious example 
has a far-reaching stimulus. Combining Heaven's covering with 
Earth's containing powers he unites in himself the rousing 
force of wind and the refreshing action of rain. As to Eastern 
barbarians bringing tribute and "Western barbarians submitting 
themselves"' in founding an imperial inheritance for his 
posterity,^ in bringing order out of chaos and restoring settled 
government, ' he certainly surpasses former kings and sums up in 
himself all that previous dynasties had attained. That there is 
a uniformity of culture* over all the empire is the mar\'ellous 

that the term is to be taken here, as commonly, in the sense of 
"begin to reign", "accede to empire" Thus the phrase sMng-tien- 
tzu-yil-chi-yi-lai means "since His Majesty ascended the throne". 

1 This is a quotation from the Yii-Kung of the Shu-Ching where 
it is used of the western tribes submitting to the regulations of the 
emperor Yu. The Hsi Jung or "western barbarians" of this passage 
are described as Tibetan tribes living in the neighbourhood of the 
Koko Nor. 

2 The text is Chuang-ye-ch'ui-t'ung (^|J |^ ^ jf;^). This is a 
stock phrase of Chinese literature and occurs, for example, in the 
17tii ch. of the Shih-Chi as a popular quotation. It or a part of it 
is often used of T'ang Kao Tsu and his successor although properly 
it applies only to the former. One writer amplifies the meaning of 
the expression thus— "Kao Tsu laid the foundation (^|J j^) and 
established the patrimony (;g |^) and T-ai Tsung enlarged and gave 
peace to the empire". (Ta T'ang-nei-tien-lu ch. 5. Bun. No. 1485). 

3 The original is poh-liian-fan-cheng (J^ ^ ^ ]£). Here the 
word poh, we are told, is to be taken in the sense of regulate or 
reduce to order, and cheng denotes settled government. The phrase 
is applied to the Ch'iin-Ch'iu of Confucius by Kung-yang at the end 
of his commentary on that classic. It occurs also in the Han-Shu 
{ch. 22) where the commentator explains it as meaning "to extermi- 
nate disorder and restore a right state of affairs". One of T'ai 
Tsung's Ministers is represented as applying the phrase to that 
emperor in a conversation with him, saying to His Majesty that "in 
bringing order out of anarchy and restoring good government (poh- 
luan-fan-cheng) and in raising men from mud and ashes" he had far 
transcended the achievments of the founders of the Chow and Han 

* The Chinese is timg-iven-kung-kuei (jel ^J; dfc 1^) which means 
to ■'have the same writing and go in the same rut". There is 


result of his perfect government. If I did not mention them in 
these Records I should not have wherewith to praise his great 
institutions and if I did not publish them abroad I could not 
shed light on his abundant merits. 

In my mention of the natural characteristics of the people in 
any place which I visited though I did not investigate local 
peculiarities of custom yet I am to be believed. Beyond the 
Five [Ti] and the Three [JSiuing] (or, according to another inter- 
pretation, "In more than three-fifths of the places 1 traversed") 
all living creatures feel the genial influence [of H. M°. reigu] and 
every human being extols his merit. From Ch'ang-an' to India 
the strange tribes of the sombre wastes, isolated lands and odd 
states, all accept the Chinese calendar and enjoy the benefits of 
H. M^. fame and teaching. The praise of his great achievments 
in war is in everybody's mouth and the commendation of his abun- 
dant civil virtues has grown to be the highest theme.i Examine 
the public records and they have no mention of anything like 
this, and I am of opinion that there is no similar instance in private 
genealogies. Were there not the facts here set forth I could 
not record the beneficial influences of His Majesty. The narrative 
which I have now composed is based on what I saw and heard." 

m fPim* m H A^ W ?Jc ^P ik |ij M ^ *R JigL^t je 

This is an address Avell spiced with flattery in good 
oriental fashion. We may perhaps regard it as a sort of 
Dedication to the pilgrim's great friend and patron, the 

apparently a reference to Ch. 6 of the "Chung-yung" where we read, 
in Legge's translation. — "Now, over the empire, carriages have all 
wheels of the same size : all writing is with the same characters ; and 
for conduct there are the same rules.'' (Life and Teachings of Con- 
fucius p. 312.) So also of the uniformity which Ch'in Shih Huang 
Ti produced it was said Ch'e-t'-img-kuei-shu-tunff-ioin-tzu (^ [^ jft, 
^ [§ Tt ^)' "carriages went in the same ruts and books were in one 
writing" (Shih-chi ch. 6). 

1 The pilgrim's report of his Imperial Master's fame in India will 
be illustrated when we come to chuan 5 and 10 of the Records. 


second Emperor of the T'ang dynasty. For though, as 
has been seen, the writer uses the term Ta T'ang, yet the 
context shews he had in his mind only, or chiefly, T'ai 
Tsung. The founder of the T'ang dynasty, it should be 
remembered, was neither a hero nor a man of extra- 
ordinary genius, and he came near being a prig and a 
hypocrite. His loyalty and honour were questioned in his 
lifetime, and history has given him several black marks. 
While sick of ambition, he was infirm of purpose, and 
wishing to do right he was easily swayed to do what was 
wrong. He had undoubted abilities, a happy knack of 
turning events to his advantage, and a plausible manner 
with friends and foes. But all his success in later Hfe, 
and the fame of his reign were largely due to the son 
who succeeded him on the throne. This son, T'ai Tsung, 
jneets us several times in the pilgrim's wanderings, and 
it will help us to understand and appreciate the passage 
now before us and the references to him in other parts 
of the work, if we recall some particulars of his life and 

The Li family, from which the founder of the T'ang 
dynasty sprang, claimed to have a long and illustrious line 
of ancestors, many of whom had deserved well of the State. 
The founder himself, whose name was Yuan (^ |^), was 
born at Ch'ang-an, and was related to the family of the 
reigning dynasty, the Sui. He was a hereditary nobleman 
with the title T'ang Kung, and he served with distinction 
under Sui Yang Ti (601 to 616). But that despot could 
not brook Yuan, who was gaining favour with army and 
people, and he tried to get rid of him. 

At this time the two eldest sons of Li Yuan were also 
in the public service, and it is with the younger of these 
that we are now concerned. This boy, who seems to have 
been extraordinary from a very early stage of his life, was 
bom in the year 597. When he was four years of age a 
mysterious stranger, dressed like a professional scholar, 
came one day to Li Yuan's house. Professing to be able 
to read fortunes, this stranger recognised Yuan as destined 


to greatness. Then taking the little child, he read fate's 
characters in his face, and predicted that the child would 
rise to power and that he would "save the age and give 
peace to the people" — Chi-shih-an-min (^ ift ^ S:)- The 
father, perhaps finding the prophecy jump with his thoughts, 
and wishing to prick lagging destiny, gave to his son a 
name, Shih-min, which recalled the prediction. 

But fate made n'o delay, and Li Shih-min while only a 
hoy, on the summons of Sui Yang Ti, entered the puhlic 
service as a military officer. He soon found, however, that 
to propagate a tottering dynasty was not his destined work. 
The whole country, moreover, was now in a dreadful state 
of violence and disorder. Hydra-headed rebellion wasted 
the land, and the monster who sat on the throne was hated 
and rejected even by his own kindred. The districts of 
the Empire which marched with the lands of the barbarians 
were the prey of these ruthless savages who again and 
again, swooping with harpy-flight on town and country, 
made life in such places impossible. But when the people 
fled thence into the central parts of the Empire, they 
found neither peace nor safety, for the line of confusion 
and the plummet of stones were stretched out in the land. 
Over all the country, life and property were at the mercy 
of powerful rebels and bands of marauders and murderers. 
The good found safety in flight or concealment, and only 
the lawless and violent prevailed. So Li Shih-min, like 
others, saw that the Decree had passed and that the 
collapse of the Sui dynasty was imminent. He now resolv- 
ed to help those who wished to hasten that event, and 
joined the conspiracy which succeeded in effecting the 
detlironement of Yang Ti. Then Shih-min's father, Li 
Yuan, became Emperor in 618 to the satisfaction of most, 
and the Empire began to have peace again. It was Shih- 
min who placed his father on the throne and won the 
Empire for him. During all Kao Tsu's reign, also, Shih- 
min took a very active and prominent part in public affairs. 
He fought many hard battles, and won great and splendid 
victories, thereby extending and consolidating the newly- 

28 YUAN chxtang's inteoduction. 

■won Empire. For he was wise and daring in counsel and 
brave and skilful in battle.- He was much beloved by his 
father who rewarded his services with many honours. 
Among these was the title Ch^in (^) "Wang, Prince of 
Ch'in, a title by which he is still remembered. In 626 
Kao Tsu resigned, appointing Shih-min his successor. The 
latter, the T'ang T'ai Tsung of history, mounted the throne 
with apparent reluctance, but with eager delight and earnest 
purpose, and he reigned "with unrivalled splendour" until 
his death in 649. 

This reign is perhaps the most celebrated in aU the 
history of China, and T'ai Tsung is still regarded as one 
of her greatest and wisest rulers. From the moment he 
mounted the throne, he set himself to govern the people 
for their weKare, and began by enabling them to live in 
confidence and security. No ruler before ever wove so 
quickly and deftly into a fair web of peace and order 
such tangled threads of wild lawlessness. Only four years 
had he been in power, when over all the country the 
people had returned to settled lives, and the fame of his 
greatness and goodness had brought back hope and hap- 
piness. He crushed internal rebellion and reduced all 
parts of the Empire to his sway. He broke the power 
of the hereditary foes of China on her frontiers and made 
them vrilling and appreciative vassals. He introduced a new 
and improved distribution of the Empire into Provinces, 
each of these again divided and sub-divided to suit natural 
or artificial requirements. In the civil list he inaugurated 
great reforms, and he succeeded in calling into active 
service for the State some of the best men China has 
produced. His ministers, native historians tell us, admi- 
nistered the government with combined ability and honesty, 
such as had never been known before. In the military 
organisation also he made improvements, and above aU he 
reformed the penal code and the administration of justice, 
tempering its severity. Learning of all kinds was fostered 
and promoted by him with an intelligent earnestness and 
a personal sympathy. He knew himself how to write and 


he made some permanent contributions to the native 
literature. In astronomy he made reforms and he tried 
to restore that science and astrology to their high estate, 
that is, as branches of practical learning. Solicitous above 
all things for the welfare of his people, he set them an 
example of plain living and frugality. His influence was 
immense, and his fame and character were known not 
only over all the Empire but also in countries far beyond 
its limits. He had an impulsive affectionate disposition, 
and his loving services to his father and mother are house- 
hold stories. He was also social and genial in his inter- 
course with his statesmen, whose criticism he invited and 
whose censures he accepted. 

The splendour of T'ai Tsung's great achievements, the 
conspicuous merits of his administration, and the charm 
of his sociable affable manner made the people of his time 
forget his faults. Even long after his death, when the 
story of his life came to be told, the spell was in the dull 
dry records, and passed over him who wrought those into 
history. So it came that the historian, dazed by the spell 
and not seeing clearly, left untold some of the Emperor's 
misdeeds and told others without" adding their due meed 
of blame. For this great ruler smutched his fair record 
by such crimes as murder and adultery. The shooting of 
his brothers was excusable and even justifiable, but his 
other murders admit of little palliation and cannot plead 
necessity. Though he yielded to his good impulses, again, 
in releasing thousands of women who had been forced into 
and kept in the harem of Sui Yang Ti, yet he also yielded 
to his bad impulses when he took his brother's widow and 
afterwards that maid of fourteen, "Wu Chao, into his own 
harem. His love of wine and women in early life, his 
passion for war and his love of glory and empire, which 
possessed him to the end, were failings of which the eyes 
of contemporaries dazzled by the "fierce light" could not 
take notice. 

But when the crimes and failings of T'ai Tsung are all 
told, they still leave him a great man and a ruler of rare 

30 YUAN chuang's dttboductiok. 

excellence. His genius gave life to all his laws and in- 
stitutions, and his personal influence was felt in everj' 
department of government. Nor was it until long after 
his death that it was found how much the good reforms 
he made owed to his personal presence and action. Happy 
in the character he bore among contemporaries, he became 
still greater with their successors, and there is almost a 
perfect unanimity of consent to count him great and good. 
Indeed the native panegyrists generally write of him as 
above all who preceded him, except those semi-mythical 
sovereigns who moulded man from the brute. The Chinese 
youth and patriots love and praise T'ai Tsung for the 
great feats he achieved in battle and his hard won victories 
which restored the country to its old splendour and 
supremacy. The native student praises him for the success 
he had in preserving the valuable literature then extant 
but in danger of being lost, and for the great encourage- 
ment he gave to learning. The Buddhist praises him for 
the patronage he extended to his religion, and the friendly 
interest he took in its affairs. The Taoist praises him for 
his exaltation of that dim personage, a reputed ancestor 
of the Emperor, the fore-father of Taoism. Even the 
western Christian joins the chorus of praise, and to him 
the "virtuous T'ai Tsung" is a prince nearly perfect ("Prin- 
ceps omnibus fere numeris absolutus"). It was during the 
reign of this sovereign, in the year 636, that Christianity 
was first introduced into China. The Nestorian missionaries, 
who brought it, were allowed to settle in peace and safety 
at the capital. This was the boon which called forth the 
gratitude of the Christian historian and enhanced in his 
view the merits of the heathen sovereign. 

The author next proceeds to give a short summary of 
the Buddhistic teachings about this world and the system 
of which it forms a constituent. He begins — 

"Now the Saha world, the Three Thousand Great Chiliocosm, 
is the sphere of the spiritual influence of one Buddha. It is in 
the four continents (lit. "Under heavens") now illuminated by 
one sun and moon and within the Three Thousand Great Chilio- 
cosm that the Buddbas, the World-honoured ones, produce their 

YUAN chuakg's intbodtjction. 31 

spiritual effects, are visibly/ born and visible/ enter Nirrvana, teach 
the way to saint and sinner." 

For the words in italics the original is lisien-shMg-hsien- 
mie (Jl ^ 51 i^) which Julien renders "tantot ils apparais- 
sent, tantot ils s'eteignent". This does not seem to express the 
author's meaning and is not quite correct. All the Buddhas, 
the writer tells us, exercise their spiritual sovereignty ("send 
down their transforming influence") in one or other of the 
four great divisions of the habitable world; in one of these 
each Buddha becomes incarnate as a man, teaches saints 
and common people, and passes into Nirvana. 

Our author proceeds — 

"In the ocean, resting on a gold disk, is the mountain Sumeru 
composed of four precious substances : along its middle the sun 
and moon revolve and on it the Devas sojourn." 

The phrase for "revolve along its middle" is hui-po (fej 
(or 51) f^ (or }fi)). Here the word po in the first form 
does not seem to have any appropriate meaning, and the 
second form which means "to stop" or "anchor" is also 
unsatisfactory. From a paraphrase of the passage, how- 
ever, we learn the meaning of the phrase, the words of 
the paraphrase being "the sun and moon revolve along its 
waist" (B MMMMMW- The word po in this sense 
of "waisting" a hill is still used in the' colloquial of some 
parts of China, but there does not seem to be any certain 
character to represent it in writing. In some books we 
find the word written ff po, as by Fa-hsien, for example. 
Instead of hui-po in the above passage the D text has 
Chao-hui (flS [e|), "to illuminate in revolving", a reading 
which agrees with statements about Sumeru in other 
Buddhist writings, i 

Around the Sumeru Mountain, our author continues, are seven 
mountains ai^d seven seas and the water of the seas between the 
mountains has the "eight virtues": outside the seven Gold 

' In the Fo-shuo-li-shih-a-p'i-tan-lun ch. 1 (No. 1297) the sun and 
moon are described as making their revolutions at a height of 40000 
Yojanas above the earth and half-way up Mount Sumeru, and a 
similar statement is made in the Yu-ka-shih-ti-lun ch. 2 (No. 1170). 


Mountains is the Salt Sea. In the sea (or ocean) there are, 
speaking summarily, four habitable Islands, yiz-Pi-Pi-ha Island 
in the east, Chan-pu Island in the south, Ku-to-ni in the west, 
and Kou-lo Island in the north. The influence of a Gold-wheel 
king extends over these four Islands, a Silver-wheel king rules 
over all except the north one, a Copper-wheel king rules over 
the South and East Islands, and an Iron-wheel king bears sway 
only over Chan-pu Island. "When a "Wheel-king" is about to 
arise a gold, silver, copper, or iron wheel, according to the Karma 
of the man, appears for him in the air and gives him his title 
while indicating the extent of his dominion. 

In the centre of Chan-pu Island (JambudvTpa), south of the 
Perfume Mountain and north of the Great Snow Mountain is 
the A-na-p^o-ta-to (Anavatapta) Lake above 800 li in circuit. Its 
banks are adorned with gold, silver, lapis-lazuli, and crystal: all 
its sand are golden and it is pure and clear. The p'usa Ta-ti 
(Great-land) having by the force of his prayer become a dragon- 
king lives in the depths of the Lake and sends forth its pure 
cold water for Jambudvipa. Thus from the silver east side 
through the Ox Mouth flows the Ganges which after going once 
round the Lake flows into the south-east sea: from its gold 
south side through the Elephant Mouth flows the Sin-tu (Indus) 
which. after flowing round the Lake entefs the south-west sea: 
from the lapis-lazuli west side through the Horse Mouth the 
Fo-chu (Oxus) flows passing round the Lake and then on into 
the north-west sea : from the crystal north side through the Lion 
Mouth flows the Sirto (Sits) river which goes round the Lake 
and then on the north-east sea. Another theory is that the Sita. 
flows underground until it emerges at the Chi-shih ("Heaped up 
stones") Mountain and that it is the source of the [Yellow] 
River of China. 

The seven mountains here represented as surrounding 
Sumeru are supposed to form seven concentric circles 
with seas separating them. These seven rows of mountains 
are golden, and we read in other accounts of the Buddhist 
cosmogony of seven circles of iron mountains surrounding 
the habitable world. 

The names of the four great Islands of this passage 
are not all known as divisions of the world to orthodox 
Indian writers, but they are found in Buddhist treatises. 
Our pilgrim calls the first chou or Dvlpa (Island) P'i-t'i- 
ha restored as Videha. This name is properly used to 
designate a particular district in India corresponding to 


the modern Tifhut in Behar. But here it is the Purva- 
Videha, (in Pali Pubbavideho), the Eastern Continent or 
great Island of Buddhist cosmogony. Our pilgrim in his 
translation of a Sastra renders the word Videha by Sheng- 
slien (B^ ^) or "Superior body", and the Tibetan ren- 
dering ia Liis-hp^ags with a similar meaning. But the old 
transcriptions for the name of the East Island as given in 
a note to our text are Fii-p'o-H (^, ^ J§) and Fu-yU-ti 
('^ ^ M) which seem to point to an origiaal like Pubba- 
dik or "East Region". It is the Fu-ja'o-H of this note 
which is given as the name in the "Fo-shuo-ch'u-chia-kung- 
tg-ching" translated in the 4"' century A. D. (No. 776). 

The second dvipa is Chan-pu, Jambu, as in most other works. 
But the character read Chan should perhaps be read Yen, 
and this would agree with the other transcriptions given 
in the note, viz.-Yen-fou-t'i (^^ -J^ j||) and Yen{'^\l)-fou, the 
former appearing in the sutra just quoted. 

Our pilgrim in the sastra referred to translates his Ku- 
Po-ni, the name of the West Island, by Niu-huo or "Cattle 
goods", that is, cattle used as a medium of exchange. The 
name has been restored as Godhana or (Jodhanya, the Gslu- 
dana of the Lalitavistara, but (rodhani or Godani would be 
nearer the transcription. Other names given by the anno- 
tator are{ya)-ni and Kou-ka-ni, the former of these 
appears in the old sutra already quoted, and it agrees 
with the Pali form Apara-goyanam. 

The North Island is the Kurudvipa, the Uttara-Kuru 
of other writers: it is also the YU-tan-yiieh (viet) of the sutra 
already quoted and of many other Buddhist texts. This 
Yii-tan-viet may perhaps represent a word like Uttamavat. i 

The A-na-p'o-ta-to (Anavatapta) Lake is here, we have 
seen, described as being in the middle of Jambudvipa to 
the south of the Perfume (that is Eragrance-intoxicat- 
ing or Gandhamadana) Mountain, and north of the Great 

1 See Yuan - chuang's A-pi - ta-mo-tsang-hsien-lun ch. 16 (Bun. 
No. 1266) and his A-pi-ta-mo-ku-she-lun ch. 11 (No. 1267) : Chang-a- 
han-ohing ch. 18 (No. 545). For the four Wheel-kings see Yuan-chuang's 
A-pi-ta-mo-shun-cheng-li-lun ch. 32 (No. 1265). 


34 YUAN chuang's inteoduction. 

Snow (Himavat) Mountain. This is the situation ascribed 
to the Lake in certain ^astras, but in the Chang-a-han- 
ching and some other authorities it is on the summit of 
the Great Snow Mountain. In a note to our text we are 
told that the Chinese translation of the name is Wu-je-nao 
(M ^g '\^J or "Without heat-trouble". This is the render- 
ing used by Yuan-chuang in his translations and it is the 
term commonly employed by Chinese writers and transla- 
tors, but the word Anavatapta means simply "unheated". It 
is said to have been the name of the Dragon-king of the 
Lake and to have been given to him because he was 
exempt from the fiery heat, the violent storms, and the 
fear of the garudas which plagued other dragons. • Our 
pilgrim's statement that the Ganges, Indus, Oxus, and Sita 
(or Sita) all have their origin in this Lake is found in. several 
Buddhist scriptures: one of these as translated by Yuan- 
chuang used the very words of our passage,^ but in two 
of them there are differences as to the directions in which 
the rivers proceed.^ Nagasena speaks of the water of this 
Lake, which he calls Anotatta dalta, as flowing into the 
Ganges.* In the early Chinese versions of Buddhist works 
the name is given, as in the note to our text, A-nu-ta 
(|ijif 1^ ^) which evidently represents the Pali form Ano- 
tatta. Then the pilgrim mentions a supposition that the 
Sita had a subterranean course for a distance and that 
where it emerged, at the Clii-sliih (5^ Jg') "Accumulated- 
rocks" Mountain, it was the source of the Yellow River. 
The Chi-sMh-slian of this theoiy is the Chi-shih of the 
Yu-kung chapter of the Shu-Ching. This Chi-shih was 
the place at which, according to some, the Yellow River 
had its source and it was a district in what is how the 
western part of Kansuh Province. But the term Chi-shih is 
also used in the sense of "mountain" as a synonym of shan. 

1 Chang-a-han-ching 1. c. 

2 Abhi-ta-vib. ch. 5 (No. 1263). See also Nos. 1266, 1267 1. c. 

3 Chang-a-han-ching 1. c: Hsin-ti-kuan-ching ch. 4 (No. 955): 
Abhi. vib-lun ch. 2 (No. 1264). 

^ Milindapanho ed. Trenckner p. 286. 


It has been stated by some western writers that our 
pilgrim confuses the Anavatapta Lake "with the Sarikul 
of the Pamirs, but this is not correct. Some other Chinese 
writers seem to make this mistake but Yuan-chuang does 
not. Then the Anavatapta Lake has been identified with the 
Manasarowar Lake of Tibet, but this cannot be accepted. 
We must regard the "Unheated" Lake as a thing of fairy- 
land, as in the Earthly Paradise or Garden of Eden. It is 
expressly stated that the Lake could be reached only by 
those who had supernatural powers, the faculty of trans- 
porting themselves at will by magic, i The Buddha and 
his arhats visited it on several occasions passing through 
the air from India to it in the twinkling of an eye or the 
raising of an arm, and down to the time of Asoka great 
Buddhist saints came to lodge on its banks.2 Here was 
that wonderful incense the burning of which yielded a 
wide-spreading perfume which released all the world from 
the consequences of sin. 3 Here too was a goodly palace, 
and all about were ' strange trees and flowers through 
which breathed fragrant airs and birds with plaintive 
songs made harmony.* 

1 have not discovered the source from which the pilgrim 
obtained his information that the dragon-king of the Ana- 
vatapta Lake was the Ta-ti or "Great-land" p'usa. As 
the words of the text show, this p'usa was not the Buddha 
in one of his preparatory births, but a p'usa still living 
as the Naga-raja of the Lake. In the D text instead 
of Ta-ti we have Pa-Ti or "Eight-lands". This reading 
seems to point to some Mahayanist p'usa who had attained 
to eight-lands, that is eight of the ten stages to perfection. 

The pilgrim next goes on to tell of the Four Lords (or Sove- 
reigns) who divide Jambudvipa when no one has the late to 
be universal sovereign over that Island, and of the lands and 
peoples over which these Lords rule. In the south is the Ele- 

i Nos. 1266, 1267 1. o. 

2 Divyav. p. 399. 

3 Hua-yen-ching ch. 67 (No. 88). 
* Chang-a-han-ching 1. c. 


36 THAN ch0ang's introduction. 

phant-Lord whose territory has a hot moist climate with people 
energetic, devoted to study and addicted to magical arts, wearing 
garments which cross the body and leave the right shoulder 
bare: their hair is made into a topknot in the middle and hangs 
down on the sides: they associate in towns and live in houses 
of several storeys. In the west is the Lord of Precious Sub- 
stances who rules over the sea abounding in pearls, whose sub- 
jects are rude and covetous, wear short coats fastened to the 
left, cut their hair short and have long mustaohios ; they live in 
towns also and are traders. The Horse-Lord rules in the north : 
his country is very cold, yielding horses, and with inhabitants 
of a wild fierce nature who commit murder without remorse, 
they live in felt tents and are migratory herdsmen. In the East 
(that is, in China) is the Man-Lord, who has a well-peopled 
territory with a genial climate where all good manners and social 
virtues prevail, and the people are attached to the soil. Of these 
four territories it is only the East country that holds the south 
direction in respect, the other three regions making the east 
their quarter of reverence. The East country (China) excels the 
other regions in its political organization. The system of religion 
which teaches purification of the heart and release from the 
bonds [of folly] and which instructs how to escape from birth 
and death flourishes in the country of the Elephant-Lord (India). 

All these matters are set forth in authoritative writings (lit.- 
canonical treatises and official declarations) and are learned from 
local hearsay. From a wide study of the modern and the old 
and a minute examination of what is seen and heard we learn 
that Buddha arose in the west region and his religion spread 
to the east country (China), and that in the translation [from 
Sanskrit into Chinese] words have been wrongly used and idioms 
misapplied. By a misuse of words the meaning is. lost and by 
wrong phrases the doctrine is perverted. Hence it is said — 
"What is necessary is to have correct terms" and to set value 
on the absence of faulty expressions. 

Now mankind difier in the quality of their natural dispositions 
and in their speech, the difference being partly due to local 
climatic circumstances and partly caused by continued use. As 
to varieties of physical scenery and natural products in the 
country of the Man-Lord (China), and as to the difierences in 
the customs and dispositions of its people, these are all described 
in our national records. The peoples of the Horse-Lord and the 
districts of the Lord of Precious Substances are detailed in our 
historical teachings, and a general account of them can be given. 
But as to the country of the Elephant -Lord (India) our ancient 
literature is without a description of it. We have the statement 
Cmade bv Chang-Ch'ien) that "the land has much heat and 


moisture", and this other "the people are fond of benevolence 
and compassion"; such mention may occur in topographies but 
we cannot have thorough information. Whether caused by the 
alternate flourishing and depression of good government, or as 
the natural result of secular changes, the fact is that with refe- 
rence to those who, knowing the due season for giving in alle- 
giance and enjoying the benefits of [Chinese] civilisation, came 
to the Emperor's Court, who passing danger after danger sought 
admittance at the Yii-mSn [Pass], and bearing tribute of native 
rarities bowed before the Palace Gate, we cannot relate their 
experiences. For this reason as I travelled far in quest of truth 
(that is, the Buddhist religion) in the intervals of my studies I 
kept notes of natural characteristics. 

Julien in his translation of this passage gives the Sanskrit 
equivalents for Horse-Lord, Elephant-Lord, and Man-Lord; 
and tells us that a word meaning "Parasol-Lord" is found 
in a certain authority instead of the Precious-substances- 
Lord of our text. Throughout the passage, however, the 
pilgrim seems to be writing as a Chinese Buddhist scholar 
not drawing from Lidian sources but from his own know- 
ledge and experience. His information was acquired partly 
from Chinese books, and he perhaps learned something 
from the Brethren in Kashmir and other places outside 
of India. To him as a Chinese the people of China were 
men (jen), all outlying countries being peopled by Man 
and Ti and Hu and Jung, although as a good Buddhist 
he admitted the extension of the term jen to the inhabi- 
tants of other lands. 

Our author, in writing the paragraph of this passage 
about Buddhism, evidently had in his memory certain ob- 
servations which are to be found in the 88"' Chapter of 
the "Hon Han Shu". These observations with the notes 
appended give us some help in finding out the meaning 
of several of the expressions in the text. For his state- 
ment here about the faults of previous translators the 
author has been blamed by native critics. These maintain 
that the transcriptions of Indian words given by Yuan- 
chuang's predecessors are not necessarily wrong merely be- 
cause they, differ from those given by him. The foreign sounds, 
they say, which the previous translators heard may not have 

38 YUAN chuang's intkoduction. 

been those which our pilgrim heard, and, moreover, Chinese 
characters under the influence of time and place, may have 
changed both meaning and pronunciation. As to mistakes 
of interpretation, there are doubtless many to be found in 
the early translations, but in this matter Yuan-chuang 
also is far from perfect. 

In the next paragraph Julien apparently understood his 
author to state that there existed documents in their own 
countries on the peoples of the Horse Lord (i. e., the 
northern tribes) and those of the Lord of Precious sub- 
stances (i. e., the nations to the south-west of China). But 
the writer has in his mind here only Chinese literature. 
So also his fang-chih (^ ^) are not "des descriptions 
locales" of India. They are the Hooks of travel or topo- 
graphies of Chinese literature. The term is applied to 
such treatises as the "Hsi-yii-chi" which in fact is called 
a, fang-chih. Our author states that Chinese topographies 
have little about India, and that consequently he had no 
native authorities to quote or refer to. Other writers of 
the same period make similar complaints; and there was 
some reason for the complaint. Even the information 
communicated by the pilgrims who had preceded Tuan- 
chuang had not been incorporated in the national histories. 
The word here rendered by "good government" is tao 
(^) which Julien translated "la droite voie". We might 
also render it by "the Buddhist religion", an interpretation 
which seems to be favoured by other passages on this 
subject. But the terms applied to the word here, viz. 
hsing tsang (^ ^), seem to require that we should render 
it by some such Confucian expression as "true principles" 
or "good government". In the last sentences of this pas- 
sage Julien seems to have misunderstood his author whom 
he makes write about "peoples" and "all the nations". 
There is nothing in the text which corresponds to or 
requires these expressions, and the writer evidently still 
refers to Indian countries, the envoys from which to China 
had been few and little known. In the Later Han period 
there was one, in the reign of Ho Ti (A. D. 89 to 105); 


during the Liu Sung period there were two, one in 428 
and one in 466; and there were none, apparently, after 
this last date down to the Sui period. Now of the travels 
of these envoys the Chinese records had not preserved 
any particulars; and the references to India and the 
neighbouring countries in the histories of the Han and 
other dynasties down to the T'ang period are very meagre. 
It was because the records were thus imperfect, and in- 
formation was unobtainable, that the pilgrim took notes of 
the topography and ethnology of the districts which he 
visited in the course of his pilgrimage. 

The author next proceeds to make a few summary ob- 
servations the text of which is here reproduced for the 
purpose of comparison. ^^E.^M^^MMM'^IA 
MMMMMM^^^I^^- In Julian's rendering 
the beginning of the passage runs thus — "A partir des 
montagnes noires, on ne rencontre que des mceurs sauvages. 
Quoique les peuples barbares aient ete reunis ensemble, 
cependant leurs differentes races ont ete tracees avec soin." 
But this does not seem to give the author's meaning which 
is rather something like this — 

"From the Black Bange on this side (i. e. to China) all the 
people are Ha: and though Jungs are counted vrith these, yet 
the hordes and clans are distinct, and the boundaries of territories 
are defined." 

Now if we turn to the last section of Chuan I we 
learn what is meant by the "Black Range". We find 
that the frontier country on the route to India was Kapisa, 
whicji was surrounded on all sides by lofty mountains. 
One great range bounded it on the east, west, and south 
sides, separating it from "North India". This was called 
the Hei Ling, or Black Range, a name which translates 
the native term Siah-koh, though it is also used to render 
another native term, Kara Tagh, with the same meaning. 
From China to the mountains of Kapisa along the pil- 
grim's route the inhabitants, he tells us, were all Hu. These 
flu are described by some writers as the descendants of 
early Jung settlers. But Yuan-chuang, who uses Hu as a 

40 TUAs chuang's intboduction. 

collective designation for all the settled nations and tribes 
through which he passed on his way to and from India, 
seems to consider the Jung as a race distinct from the 
Hu proper. Other writers also make this distinction, 
regarding the Jung as of the Tibetan stock and the Hu 
as of Turkic kindred. But the distinction is not generally 
observed, and we can only say that the Hu include the 
Jung, who were not supposed, however, to be found beyond 
the Ts'ung Ling westward. In early Chinese history, 
e. g. in the Yii kung of the "Shu Ching" we find Jung 
occupying the country about the Koko Nor. They were 
then pastoral tribes, rearing cattle and wearing clothing 
prepared from the skins of their animals. Afterwards they 
spread to*Hami and to Turfan and the Ts'ung Ling, be- 
coming mainly agricultural peoples. 

Instead of Jung (j^) in the text here the text has 
Shu (^) which the editors explain as soldier, the Shu jen 
being the Chinese troops stationed in the Hu Countries. 
But this reading, which does not seem to be a good one, 
was perhaps originally due to a copyist's error. 

The pilgrim's description proceeds — "For the most part [these 
tribes] are settled peoples with walled cities, practising agriculture 
and rearing cattle. They prize the possession of property and 
slight humanity and public duty (lit. benevolence and righteous- 
ness). Their marriages are without ceremonies and there are no 
distinctions as to social position: the wife's word prevails and 
the husband has a subordinate position. They burn their corpses 
and have no fixed period of mourning. TJiet/ flay (?) the face 
and cut off the ears: they clip their hair short and rend their 
garments. They slaughter the domestic animals and offer sacrifice 
to the manes of their dead. They wear white clothing on 
occasions of good luck and black clothing on unlucky occasions. 
This is a general summary of the manners and customs common 
to the tribes, but each state has its own political organization 
which will be descvibed separately, and the manners and customs 
of India will be told in the subsequent Records." 

This brief and terse account of the social characteristics 
common to the tribes and districts between China and 
India presents some rather puzzling difficulties. It is too 
summary, and is apparently to a large extent secondhand 


information obtained from rather superficial observers, not 
derived from the author's personal experience, and it does 
not quite agree with the accounts given by previous writers 
and travellers. Thus the pilgrim states that the tribes in 
question had no fixed period of mourning, that is, for 
deceased parents, but we learn that the people of Yenk'i 
observed a mourning of seven days for their parents. Nor 
was it the universal custom to burn the dead; for the 
T'ufan people, for example, buried their dead.i 

All the part of the passage which I have put in italics is 
taken by Julien to refer to the mourning customs of the tribes, 
and this seems to be the natural and proper interpretation. 
But it is beset with difficulties. The original for "they flay 
the face and cut off the ears" is rendered by Julien — "lis se 
font des incisions sur la figure et se mutilent les oreilles." 
The word for "flay" or "make cuts in" is in the D text 
li (^) which . does not seem to give any sense, and in the 
other, texts it is li (^) which . is an unknown character 
but is explained as meaning to "flay". Julien evidently re- 
garded the latter character as identical with li (f^) which 
is the word used in the T'ang-Shu.2 This last character 
means originally to inscribe or delineate and also to Uacken 
and to Jlay. As an act of filial mourning for a dead 
parent the T'ufan people, we are told, blackened (tai ^) 
their faces, and among some tribes it apparently was the 
custom to tear or gash the face at the funeral of a parent 
or chief. But to flay or brand the face and to cut off 
an ear were acts of "punishment which were perhaps common 
to all the tribes in question. 

Then "to cut the hair short" was an act of filial mourning in 
T'ufan, but in the first foreign countries which the pilgrim 
reached it was the universal custom for the men, and it was 
done, we learn elsewhere, to set off the head.^ In Khoten, 
however, the hair was cut off and the face disfigured as acts 

1 "Wei-Shu ch. 102: T'ang-shu ch. 216: Ma T. 1. ch. 334. 

2 Ch. 217. 

3 Wei-Shu 1. C. 

42 TITAN ohuang's inteodtiction. 

of mourning at a funeral, i We find it recorded moreover 
that when the death of T'ang T'aiTsung was announced, the 
barharians sojourning at the capital expressed their sorrow 
by wailing, cutting off their hair, gashing? (li ^) their faces, 
and cutting their ears, until the blood washed the ground. * 

Then as to the phrase "rend their garments", the 
words lie-ch'ang (UJ ^) would seem to be susceptible 
of no other interpretation, and the pilgrim tells us after- 
wards that the people of India "rent their garments and 
tore out their hair" as expressions of mourning. The 
rending of the garments, however, was not a custom common 
to the tribes between India and China, and it could not 
have been practised by them generally on account of the 
material which was in general use for their clothing. Some 
native scholars explain the words lie-ch'ang here as mean- 
ing "they wear clothes without folds and seams", that is, 
their garments are strips or single pieces. Something 
like this was the style of the outer articles of a China- 
man's dress in the T'ang period and it was probably 
adopted by some of the foreign tribes to which Chinese 
influence reached. We still see survivals of it on the streets 
in Korea. 

As to the slaughter of domestic animals, this was 
practised at funerals by the T'ufan people but not by 
all the other tribes. The Turks, who also gashed 
their faces in mourning, slew sheep and horses in front 
of the tent in which the body of a deceased parent was 
placed pending the completion of arrangements for burial. 
It is to be noted, however, that the T'ufan people and 
the Turks are not said to have slain their domestic 
animals in sacrifice to the manes of their deceased 
parents.^ These animals were killed, we are expressly 
told in the case of the T'ufan people, that they might 
be at the service of the departed one, as the human 
beings who were slain, or kiUed themselves, on the death 

■ Ka-lan-chi ch. 5. 

2 T'ung-chien-kang-mu ch. 40. 

3 See Ma T. 1. ch. 334, 343. 


of a relative or chief went to serve the deceased in the 
other world. Julien makes our pilgrim here state that the 
tribes slew their domestic animals to make offerings to 
their dead. This is perhaps more than is in the text 
which is simply that they "slaughter their domestic ani- 
mals, and offer sacrifice to the manes". 



A-K'i-Ni (Yenk'i). 

The narrative in the Records now begins with this 

Going from what was formerly the land of Kao-ch^ang we 
begin with the country nearest to it and called A-k'i-ni: this is 
above 600 li from east to west and 400 li from north to south, 
its capital being six or seven li in circuit. 

In the Life we have a detailed account of the un- 
pleasant and adventurous journey from the Chinese capital 
to the chief city of Kao-ch'ang. This city, we know, was 
in the district which is now called Turfan and it is said 
to be represented by the modern Huo-chow {>X. ^'H) other- 
wise Kai'akhojo. At the time of our pilgrim's visit Kao- 
ch'ang was a thriving kingdom, and its king, though a 
vassal of China, was a powerful despot feared by the 
surrounding states. This king, whose name was Kii-wen- 
tai (^ 25; ^) or as it is also given, Ku-ka (^), had 
received Yuan-chuang on his arrival with great ceremony and 
kindness, had tried entreaty and flattery and even force to 
retain him, and had at last sent the pilgrim on his way 
with gi'eat honour, giving him presents and provisions and 
also letters of introduction to other sovereigns. Then why 
does Yuan-chuang here write of Kao-ch'ang as a state which 
had ceased to exist? The explanation is to be found in the 
great change which that kingdom had experienced between 

TENKI. 45 

the years 630 and 646. We learn from history that in 
the year A. D. 639 the Chinese emperor T'ai Tsung sent 
an army to invade Kao-ch'ang and punish its mler, who 
had dared to defy the imperial power. This ruler was 
the Kii-wen-t'ai who had been Yuan-chuang's host. He 
thought himself safe from Chinese invasion and boasted and 
swaggered at the threat of a Chinese army coming into 
his country until the invading force was actually within 
his borders. When he learned, however, that the hostile 
army was fast approaching his capital, he became so 
utterly possessed by abject fear that he became helpless. 
And his death soon followed. Hereupon his wise son and 
successor at once submitted to the Chinese general who, 
however, "extinguished Kaoch'ang"; whereupon T'ai Tsung 
made its territory a Prefecture of the Empire. This pro- 
cedure called forth a generous protest from one of the 
Emperor's wise and faithful ministers, but the remonstrance 
was in vain and in 640 Kaoch'ang became the Chinese 
Hsi-chow (H J'lD- ThusYuan-chuang, writing under imperial 
orders and for the Emperor's reading, must needs take notice 
of the great political change which had taken place in 
the Kaoch'ang country since the date of his visit. The 
change proved bad for China and the new state of affairs 
did not last very long. For the present, however, our 
author has to describe the "Western Lands", that is, the 
countries which were outside of the western border of the 
Chinese empire. Up to 640 Kaoch'ang was one of these 
countries, but from that year the empire reached on the 
east to the ocean, and on the west to the kingdom which 
was the first to the west of Kaoch'ang, viz. the A-k'i-ni of 
this narrative. 

There cannot be any doubt that the country which Yuan- 
chuang here calls A-k'i-ni (Pnf ^ J^) was, as has been stated 
by others, that which is known in Chinese history as 
Yenk'i (^ ^). This state rose to power in the Han 
period, and from that time down to the T'ang dynasty it 
bore in Chinese treatises tnis name Yenk'i which is still 
its classical and literary designation in Chinese literature. 


Then why did Yuan-chuang use the name A-k'i-ni, a name 
for which he seems to be the sole authority? 

The explanation is simple. There was, we learn from 
an "interpolated comment" to the text, an old name 
for this country which is given as Wu-Jc'i (,^ or |»i| ^). 
This seems to hare been the name used by the trans- 
lators of the sacred books and by Buddhist writers 
generally. Thus in the translation of the "Ta-pao-chi- 
ching" by Fa-hu of the Western Ch'in dynasty we find 
mention of Wuk'i along with Khoten and other coun- 
tries. So also Tao-hsiian in his "Su-kao-seng-chuan" men- 
tions Wuk'i as the country between Kutzu (Kuchih) and 
Kaoch'ang. In the Fang-chih also we find the Tin-ne 
giTen as Wuk'i, and Fa-hsien's Wu-i (1% ^) is appai . ntly 
the countij under consideration. The first character, wu, 
in each of these varieties of the name was probably pro- 
nounced a or 0, and the second character represented a 
sound like Zc'i or gi, the whole giving us a name like akhi 
or agi. Thus we have at Yuan-chuang's time three different 
designations for this country: — the Yenli'i of Chinese histo- 
rians, the Wuki of the Buddhist writers, and Y.'s own name 
for it, A-k'i-ni. The explanation of this variety is instruc- 
tive, as the theory which underlies it applies to several 
other districts. In Yenk'i we have the local or Hu name. 
This apparently was (or was understood to be) Yanghi, a 
Turkish word for fire, the full name being perhaps some- 
thing like Yanghi-shaher or "Fire-city". Now in all the 
Hu countries the Buddhist monks, we are told, used among 
themselves the language of India. In this language the 
correct Sanskiit name for fire is agni, the a-k'i-ni of our 
author. We find the three characters of the text used 
by Yuan-chuang in a translation of a sacred book to tran- 
scribe agni as the Sanskrit name for^re, and by Gunabhadra 
in one of his translations to transcribe this word in the 
proper name Agnidatta.1 But the monks of the Hu 

» A-pi-t'a-mo-ta-p'i-p'o-sha-lun, ch. 15 (Bun. No. 1263): Tsa-a-han- 
ching, ch. 25 (No. 544). 


countries did not all come from "Central India" and they 
did not talk Sanskrit. They spoke and wrote dialectic 
varieties with vernacular forms of Indian words, and they 
often used words which were foreign hut were made to 
assume a Sanskrit garb. So the Brethren of the country 
with which we are now concerned had apparently used 
the Pali form Agi instead of Agni, and this -had been 
used by others, but Yuan-chuang being a purist preferred 
to write the Sanskrit form. 

In the periods of the Yuan and Ming dynasties the 
city and district called Yenk'i, still retaining this name, 
were grouped with four others in the political aggregate 
called Bish-balik or Pentapolis. Hence we sometimes find 
it stated that Yenk'i is Bishbalik, but this latter name is 
more frequently applied to Urumtsi.i At the present 
time the city called Kara- (or Khara-)shahr is generally 
taken to be the representative of the ancient capital of 
Yenk'i. But the site of the latter was apparently some- 
what to the west of the modern Kharashahr at a place 
which has several ancient ruins. This modern city is said 
to have received its name from the grimy appearance of 
its walls and houses, Karashahr in Turkic meaning "Black 
city", an etymology which is confirmed by Dr. Sven Hedin's 
account. 2 

Like many other states in this part of Asia Yen-k'i has 
had many ups and downs, passing several times from power 
and preeminence to subjection and vassalage. One of these 

1 Li-tai-yen-ko-piao (Ig fi; '{Q ^ ^) ch. 3: Med. Res. Vol. II, 
p. 229. But the name BishlDalik seems to have been applied to six 
cities regarded as forming a political unit. 

2 Dr. Sven Hedin writes— "Kara-shahr (the Black Town) fully 
deserves its name: for it is without comparison the dirtiest zown in 
all Central Asia. It stands on the left bank, of the river (the Hadick- 
or Khaidik-gol), on a level, barren plain, totally destitute of any 
feature of interest. Nevertheless it is a large town, very much larger 
than Korla, consisting of a countless number of miserable hovels, 
courtyards, bazaars, and Mongol tents, surrounded by a wall, and is 
the chief commercial emporium in that part of Chinese Turkestan." 
'Through Asia', p. 859. 


vicissitudes was experienced by it in A. D. 64B — 644, when 
the Chinese emperor T'ai Tsung sent an army which invaded 
the country, conquered it, and made its king a prisoner for 
a time. A similar disaster befell it in A. D. 648, when 
its king was beheaded by the Turkish invader, i The 
country under the official designation Kharashahr (^ ijfi] 
fjp 1^) is now a military station, and an important Sub- 
Prefecture of the Chinese empire. 

It is remarkable that neither in the Records, nor in the 
Life of our pilgrim, nor in the itinerary of Wu-k'ung, is 
the distance of Yen-k'i from Kao-ch'ang given, but we 
learn from other sources that it was 900 li."^ In another 
account of the country the capital is described as being 
30 li in circuit which is a much larger area than that 
given in our text, but another account makes it to be 
only two li square. The name of the capital also is given 
as Nan-ho-ch'eng ({^ Jsj" ^) and also as Yun-k'u (p ^) 
which is perhaps only another form ofYen-k'i.^ The city 
was situated 70 li south of the White Mountain and a 
few li from a lake.* This lake, which is described as 
having salt and fish and as abounding in reeds, has many 
names. It is sometimes simply the "sea" or Dengir, and 
it is the Bostang, or Barashahr, or Bagrash Lake. The 
description in our text, proceeding, states that 

[the country] on four sides adjoins hills, with roads hazardous 
and easily defended. The various streams join in zones, and their 
■water is led in for the cultivated land. The soil grows millet, 
spring wheat, scented jujubes, grapes, pears, and prunes. The 
climate is genial and the people have honest ways. Their writing 
is taken from that of India with slight modifications. Their gar- 
ments are of fine and coarse woollen stuffs. The men cut their 
hair short and do not wear any head-dress. They use gold silver 
and small copper coins. Their king is a native of the country, who 
is brave, but without practical ability and conceited. The country 

' T'ung-chien-kang-mu ch. 40 (18tii year of T'ang T'ai Tsung by 
the Chinese, and 22d year by the Turks): Ma T. 1. ch. 336. 

2 Ma T. 1. 1. c. : T ung-chih-liao, the g^ Sg; ch. 1. 

3 Ch'ien Han shu ch. 96: Wei shu ch. 102. 

4 "Wei Shu 1. c: Ma T. 1. 1. c: Ch'ien Han shu 1. o. 

TENKI. 49 

is without a political constitution, and its laws are not reduced 
to order. 

The first sentence of this passage is not veiy clear as 
to whether the description is meant for the whole country 
or only for the district of the capital. Our pilgrim seems 
to have drawn his information partly from the source 
which supplied the author of the "Hou Han-Shu".! In 
that work, and in Ma Tuan-lin's treatise which follows it, 
it is the Tenk'i country which is described as being 
surrounded by hills or mountains. But there were appa- 
rently no mountains on the east side of Yenk'i, and the 
Life tells only of two cities which the pilgrim passed on 
his way from the capital of Kao-ch'ang, without any mention 
of a mountain. That the roads were dangerous and easily 
guarded is also stated in the Hou Han-Shu almost in the 
words used in our text, and this also seems to indicate 
that it is the country which is described. But the ex- 
pression "on four sides adjoins (or abuts on) hills" (I?g^ 
^ |lj) is apparently more appropriate to a city than to 
a country. Then we have the statement that "the various 
streams join in zones" that is, unite to form belts or lines 
of water. For this the original is "ch'lian (in the B text 
chunff-liu-chiao-tai (^ in B j^ ^ ^ ^), and Julien trans- 
lates „une multitude des courants quiviennent se joindre en- 
semble, I'entourent comme une ceinture." The term chiao- 
tai seems to have in some places the meaning here given 
to it by Julien, but it commonly means to join in forming a 
continuous line. Thus it is used of a series of tanks formed 
or connected by a river and of tears uniting to form 
streams on the cheeks. This sense of "joining and carry- 
ing on" the stream seems to suit our passage, and the 
circumstances of the district. In Yenk'i the becks of the 
mountains joined in forming the various rivers by which 
the country was watered. Thus the Khaidu, the principal 
river, was formed by the junction of a large number of 
tributary streams from the Northern or White mountain. 

1 C7t. 88. 



In the passage of the Han-Shu already referred to we 
find the statement that the "water of the sea (that is the 
Bostang Lake to the south-east of the capital) was de- 
flected into the four mountains and flowed all about the 
capital (^ ^) for above thirty li", a statement which is 
repeated by Ma Tuan-lin. And although the kingdom 
contained several (according to- one accoimt, ten) other 
towns, it was doubtless of the capital and the surrounding 
districts that the words of our text were written. The 
w^ater from the various rivers was led in channels from 
the lines of current to irrigate the land devoted to the 
cultivation of crops and fruit-trees. This artificial irrigation 
mentioned by our pilgrim is not noticed in the Han-Shu, 
but it was known to the author of the "Shui-ching-chu" 
(yK )fM "/i)i 3'iid it is referred to in recent works such 
as the Travels of Timkowski.i 

In the list of products here given the term translated 
"millet" is mi-shu (J^ ^) which Jidien renders "millet 
rouge", the same rendering being given for the one character 
mi in the next page. Instead of this character the D text 
has in both places the word mei (or meh f^) the name of 
a kind of millet "with reddish culms". The texts may be 
corrupt and Yuan-chuang may have written mei (^) which, 
we learn from the " Yu-pien" was a synonym for Clii (tjc^) a 
kind of panicled millet much cultivated in the north and 
northwest of China. By "spring wheat" {1^ ^) is meant the 
wheat which is sown in autumn and ripens in the follow- 
ing spring. This spends the winter in the ground; and in 
this way it passes from one year into the next, and hence 
its distinctive name. 

The sentence 'Their writing is taken from that of India 
with slight modifications: their garments are of fine and 
coarse woollen stuffs' is in the original wen-tzii-chii-tse- 
yin-tu-wei-yu-tseng-chuan-fu-shih-tieh-ho ($ ^ i^ 01] pp ^ 
Ut^ M JIE lf|i m U) in the A, B, and C texts.' The D 

1 Hsin-ohiang ch. 3: Timkowski's Travels Vol. I, pp. 398, 410, 
The artificial irrigation is mentioned in the T'ang Shu ch. 221. 


text has differences and it reads — 'The writing is modeled 
after that of India. There is little of silk stuffs, the dress 
is of felt and serge.' Here we have tseng-chuan (|f |g) 
"silk stuffs" instead of the other tseng-chuan meaning 
"addings to and takings from" or "modifications", and we 
have chan (f^) "felt" or "coarse woollen stuff" instead 
of the tieh of the other texts. All the texts, we see, agree 
in the statement that the writing of this country was taken 
from that of India, and the Wei-Shu makes the same 
statement. If' we are to take the author as adding that 
slight changes had been made in the Indian writirig in 
Yenk'i the information may be regarded as correct. 

So also if the D text is genuine and we are to substitute 
for "there are slight modifications" the words "there are few 
silks" we have a statement which is confirmed by other 
accounts. The people of Yenk'i had the silkworms, but 
they did not know how to make silk, and the only silk- 
stuffs they used were imported. So they did not wear silk, 
and their dress was of woollen material. Julien translates 
the four words fu-shih-tieh-ho by "Les vetements sont faits 
de coton ou de laine". But the reading should probably 
be chan as in the D text. This reading of chan instead 
of tieh is supported by the epithet "Wearers of felt and 
serge" which the Chinese applied to the Hu and Jung in 
contrast to themselves as "silk-wearers". Then we have 
also the testimony of I-ching that the inhabitants of the 
countries with which we are concerned used mainly felt 
and fur as clothing, and that they had little cotton cloth 

(ib" W ^ M.)- ^^^ ^^^^ ^ ^® *^^® *'^^ to be the reading 
in the passage before us, it is at least doubtful whether it 
should be translated here by cotton. The word did come to 
be used as a name for cotton; and Yuan-chuang seems to 
employ it, in other passages, to denote something like fine cotton 
or muslin. In the T'ang-Shu we find pdi-tieh described as 
the name of a plant of Kao-ch'ang from the flowers of 
which a cloth was made, and in this treatise tieh is cotton. 
But on the other hand the word is explained in old 
glossaries and dictionaries as denoting a "cloth made of 


hair (or wool)", and the formation of the character seems 
to point to such material. Then we find such expressions 
SiS pai-chan-tieh, "white felt-cloth", and tieh alone, mentioned 
along with the kieh-pei or Kibat (Karpura) "cotton-cloth" 
as different materials. Moreover the modern equivalent 
for tieh in Chinese books about the Mongols, Tibetans, and 
peoples of Turkestan is p'u-lu, which is the name of a 
woollen fabric manufactured in the "west countries".! 
There is great confusion in the use of chaii and tieh (not 
only in these Records, and the Life, but also in many other 
works,) and we have often to make the Context decide 
whether the author meant cotton or woollen. 

The king ofYenk'i whose character is briefly described in 
the passage before us was I/unff'T-uk'tchi (|| ^ ,^^) of 
which Lung was the surname and T'uk'ichi (Dughitsi?) the 
name. This prince secretly renounced his duty and allegiance 
to China, and entered into an engagement with the West Turks 
to harass China. So the emperor T'ai Tsung in 643 sent 
an army to invade Yenk'i and punish its perfidious ruler. 
The latter was dethroned and taken prisoner in 644, but 
in the course of a few years the Chinese found it necessary 
to restore him to the throne. ^ 

For the words — 'The country is without a political con- 
stitution, its laws are not reduced to order' the text is 
Kuo-wu-kang-chi-Ja-pu-chenff-sii, (M^^M^f^^^^) 
Julien translates this — "Ce royaume ne possede point de code, 
I'ordre et la paix se maintiennent sans le secours des lois." 
The latter clause of this sentence does not seem to be 
possible as a rendering of the Chinese. Moreover in the 
term Kang-chi are included not merely a code, but also 
the ethical and political maxims which form the basis of 
the political system, and give the state enactments their 
sanction. Then Kang-chi comes to denote the general 
principles or essentials of goverment, and the particular 
mles or institutions of a State or Empire. Thence the 

1 Nan-hai-ch'i-kuei ch. 2: Yii-pien s. v. Tieh: Sung Shih ch. 489. 
5 T'ung-chien-kang-mu 1. c. 


term was extended to the constitution and laws of any system 
political or religious, and Yuan-chuang, for example, uses it 
with reference to Buddhism. As to Yenk'i, the author 
states, it had no fundamental statutes or national political 
regulations, and it was also without any system of definite 
laws in force among the people. This is a reproach which 
we find brought against the Country also in the Wei-Shu 
which writes of it as "without a political system and laws 

mm^ ?± ^)"-' 

The pilgrim's description proceeds — 

"There are above ten Buddhist monasteries with above 2000 
ecclesiastics of all degrees, all adherents of the Sarvastivadin 
school of the "Small Vehicle" system. Since as to the sutra 
teachings and vinaya regulations they follow India, it is in its 
literature that students of these subjects study them thoroughly. 
They are very strict in the observance of the rules of their order 
but in food they mix (take in a miscellaneous way) the three 
pure [kinds of flesh] embarrassed by the 'gradual teaching.' 

One of the large monasteries in this country was that 
known as the Aranya-vihara: here Dhai'magupta lodged 
in the year A. D. 585 when on his way to China. The 
Sarvastivadin school to which the Brethren in Yenk'i be- 
longed was a branch from the ancient Sthavira school 
It had its name from its assertion that all we)'e 
real, viz. past, present, future, and intermediate states. Its 
adherents claimed to represent the original teaching of the 
Master, as it was delivered, and as settled in Council by 
the "Elders" (Sthaviras) who had heard it from his lips. So 
they considered themselves strictly orthodox, and they were 
zealous enthusiastic adherents of what they regarded as 
the simple primitive religion. The Brethren in Yenk'i 
followed the teachings of the Buddha as recorded in the 
Indian scriptures, of which they were diligent students. 

1 The kanff of kang-chi is originally the large thick rope of a 
fisherman's casting-net and the chi are the small cords of the same. 
Then kang-chi (or chi-kang) came to be applied to the established 
coiitrolling principles of ofoijernment, the codified means of preserv- 
ing order in a state. From this use the term came to be extended 
to social institutions and to systems of religion and philosophy. 


The next part of this paragraph has received bad treatment 
at the hands of the translators. Julien's version of it 
is — "Les religieux s'acquittent de leurs devoirs et observent 
les regies de la discipline avec un purete severe et un 
zele perseverant. lis se nourrissent de trois sortes d'ali- 
ments purs, et s'attachent a la doctrine graduelle." The 
words of the original are Chie-hsing-lii-i-chie-ch'ing-chih- 
li-jan-shih-tsa-san-ching-chih-yii-chien-chiao-i (5^ -fr # i8 ^ 
mmm^i BBWrnf m ?J( ^)- I* is not easy to 
conjecture v?hy chie-hsing should be here rendered "s'ac- 
quittent de leurs devoirs". The term is part of the clause 
which tells us that the Brethren were careful observers 
of the Vinaya commands to do and abstain from doing. 
Then the translation, leaves out the important words jan 
meaning "but" and tsa meaning "to mix", and it renders 
chih-yu, "to stick in" or "be detained in" by "s'attachent 
surtout a". Then Julien did not know what was meant by 
the "trois sortes d'aliments purs", so he gives us in a note 
an account of certain five "aliments purs" derived from 
another treatise. "What the pilgrim tells us here is plain 
and simple. The Buddhist Brethren in the monasteries 
of Yenk'i were pure and strict in keeping all the laws 
and regulations of their order according to their own 
Vinaya. But in food they took, along with what was 
orthodox, the three kinds of pure flesh, being still held in 
the "gradual teaching". The student will be helped in 
understanding this passage if he turns to the account of 
the next country, Kuchih, and to the pilgrim's experience 
in that country as set forth in the Life, and to the account 
of the Swan Monastery in Chuan IX of the Records (Julien 
III. p. 60) and Chuan III of the Life (*. L p. 162). 

The explanation of the san-ching or "three pure kinds 
of flesh" is briefly as follows. In the time of Buddha 
there was in Vaisali a wealthy general named Slha who 
was a convert to Buddhism. He became a liberal supporter 
of the Brethren and kept them constantly supplied with 
good flesh food. When it was noised abroad that the 
bhikshus were in the habit of eating such food specially 


provided for them the Tirthikas made the practice a 
matter of angry reproach. Then the abstemious ascetic 
Brethren, learning this, reported the circumstances to the 
Master, who thereupon called the Brethren together. When 
they were assembled, he announced to them the law that 
they were not to eat the flesh of any animal which they 
had seen put to death for them, or about which they had 
been told that it had been killed for them, or about which 
they had reason to suspect that it had been slain for them. 
But he permitted to the Brethren as "pure" (that is, lawful) 
food the flesh of animals the slaughter of which had not 
been seen by the bhikshus, not heard of by them, and not 
suspected by them to have been on their account, i In 
the Pali and Ssu-fen Vinaya it was after a breakfast given 
by Siha to the Buddha and some of the Brethren, for 
which the carcase of a large ox was procured, that the 
Nirgranthas reviled the bhikshus and Buddha instituted 
this new rule declaring fish and flesh "pui-e" in the three 
conditions.2 The animal food now permitted to the bhikshus 
came to be known as the "three pures" or "three pure 
kinds of flesh", and it was tersely described as "unseen, 
unheard, unsuspected", or as the Chinese translations 
sometimes have it "not seen not heard not suspected to 
be on my account {/f, ^ yf: ^ ::j: ^ M S)"- Then two 
more kinds of animal food were declared lawful for the 
Brethren, viz. the flesh of animals which had died a natural 
death, and that of animals which had been killed by a 
bird of prey or other savage creature. So there came to 
be five classes or descriptions of flesh which the professed 
Buddhist was at liberty to use as food.' Then the "unseen, 
unheard, unsuspected" came to be treated as one class, 
and this together with the "natural death (g JE)' ^^^ 

i Shih-sung-lu ch. 26 (No. 1115): Seng-ki-lii ch. 32 (No. 1119). 

2 Vin. Mah. V. 31: Ssu-fen-lu ch. 42 (No. 1117). 

3 Shou-Ieng-yen-ching-hui-chie cJi. 12 (Nos. 446 and 1624): Lung- 
shu-ching-t'u-wen (i| ^ -J^ ^ '^) ch. 9. The number of kinds 
of "pure flesh" was afterwards increased to nine, these five being 

56 kao-ch'ang to the thoctsand speings. 

"bird killed (,^ ^)" made a san-ching. It is evidently in 
this latter sense that the term is used in these Kecords. 

Then ve have the "gradual teaching" which to Yuan- 
chuang's mind was intimately connected with the heresy of 
sanctioning flesh-food. Here we have a reference to an old 
division of the Buddha's personal teachings into "gradual 
(or progressive)", chien Qi^ and "instantaneous", tun (i^).^ 
Of these the former, according to the Mahayanists, con- 
tained all those scriptures which gave the Buddha's early 
teaching, and also the niles and regulations which foimed 
the Vinaya. The Buddha suited his sermons and precepts 
to the moral and spiritual attainments and requirements 
of his audience. Those who were low in the scale he led 
on gradually by the setting forth of simple tniths, by 
parable and lesson, and by mild restrictions as to life and 
conduct. At a later period of his ministiy he taught 
higher truths, and inculcated a stricter purity and more 
thorough seK-denial. Thus in the matter of flesh-food he 
sanctioned the use of it as an ordinary article of food by 
his own example and implied permission. Afterwards when 
he found that some of his disciples gave offence by begg- 
ing for beef and mutton, and asking to have animals kiUed 
for them, and eating as daily food flesh which should only 
be taken in exceptional circumstances he introduced 
restrictions and prohibitions. But the "Instantaneous 
Teaching", which took no note of circumstances and en- 
vironments, revealed sublime spiritual tniths to be com- 
prehended and accepted at once by higher minds, taught 
for these a morality absolute and universal, and instituted 
rules for his professed disciples to be of eternal, unchang- 
ing obligation. 

The "Gradual Teaching" is practically coextensive 
with the Hinayana system, and the Buddha describes 
his teaching and Vinaya as gradual, growing and de- 
veloping like the mango fruit according to some 

1 Hua-yen-yi-sheng-chiao-yi-fen-chi-chang (No. 1591): Ssu-chiao- 
yi (No. 1569). In the Chung-a-han-ohing (No. 542) ch. 9 Buddha's 
dharma and vinaya are described as gradual. 


scriptures. The "Instantaneous Teaching" is the Mahayana 
system as found in those scriptures of the Buddhists which 
are outside of the Hinayanist Tripitaka. This distinction, 
derived from a passage in the Laxikavatara sutra,is ascribed to 
Dhaimapala {Su-fa fj f^). The Nii-vapa sutras are quoted 
as specimens of the Gradual Teaching and the Avatamsaka 
sutras are given as examples of the Tun-chiao or "Instan- 
taneous Teaching". 

Our pilgrim being an adherent of the Mahayanist 
system refused to admit the validity of the "three-fold 
pure" flesh-food indulgence which the excellent Hinayanist 
Brethren of Yenk'i followed. The Buddhist Scriptures 
to which Yuan-chuang adhered prohibit absolutely the 
use of flesh of any kind as food by the "sons of Buddha".^ 
This prohibition is based on the grounds of universal com- 
passion, and the doctrine of karma. Mahayanism teaches 
that the eating of an animal's flesh retards the spiritual 
growth of the Brother who eats it, and entails evil con- 
sequences in future existences. Some Mahayanists were 
strict in abstaining, not only from all kinds of flesh food, 
but also from milk and its products. In this they 
agreed, as we shall see, with the sectarians who were 
followers of Devadatta. There have also, however, been 
Mahayanists who allowed the use of animal food of certain 
kinds, and we find wild geese, calves, and deer called 
san-cliing-shih or "Three pure (lawful) articles of food". It 
was a common occurrence for a Hinayanist to be con- 
verted and "advance" to Mahayanism, but the Yenk'i 
Brethren were still detained or embarrassed in the "Gradual 
Teaching" of the Hinayana. The word for detained is 
chih (}f^) which means to be fretted, or delayed, as a stream 
by an obstacle in its course.. Then it denotes the mental 
suspense caused by doubts and difficulties, and the check 
given by these to spiritual progress; it is often associated 
with the word for doubt. 

1 Fan-wang-ching eh. 2 (No. 1087): Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ching ch. 4 
(Xo, 114): Ju-leng-ka-ching ch. 8 (No. 176): Shou-leng-yen-ching- 
hui-chie, 1. c. 



The pilgrim now goes on to tell us that from Yenk'i he went 

south-west above 200 li, crossed a hill and two large rivers west 

to a plain, and after travelling above 700 li from that he came to 

the Ku-chih country. This country was above 1000 li from east 

to west and 600 li from north to south: its capital being 17 or 

18 li in circuit. 

According to the account in the Life the pilgrim passed 

only one large river in the journey from Yenk'i to Kuchih. 

In other works the distance between these two places is 

somewhat greater, and the area of the capital of Kuchih 

is much less than in our text. 

The Chinese annotator here tells us that the old name 
of Ku-chih (jg •^) was Ku-tse (g g), as we are told to 
pronounce these characters. This is not only the old name 
but also the only one by which the country was known to 
the Chinese until a comparatively modern time.^ A San- 
skrit-Chinese Vocabulary gives Kuchina {^ ^ ^) as its 
Sanskrit designation; but the word does not seem to be 
otherwise known. There are various transcriptions of the 
sound Ku-tse, but Wu-k'ung tells us that Ku-chih is the 
correct form of the name.^ The modern Chinese official 
name of the district and its capital is K'u-ch'e (jj $), the 
Kuchah and Kocha of our maps. This term is explained 
as meaning the "Dry well of K'u", but the etymology 
cannot be accepted.^ In modern Tibetan books the name 
is given as Khu-chhu or Khu-the. Tliis country was 
known to the Chinese from the early Han time, and in 

• An old variety of the name is K'uclia (^ jlj. As Goez calls 
the country Cucia the modern official name was apparently in use 
before the Manchu conquest of China (See Yule's Cathay p. 573). 
Ku-tsang (^j^ ^), which is sometimes identified with Kutse, was the 
name of an old district in what is now the Province of K!ansu. 

- The first syllable is found written also ^ ^J, and ^, and the 
second syllable is sometimes '^. See Shih-li-ching, and J. A. T. VI. 
p. 363 and note. 

3 Hsin-chiang ch. 3. Here it is stated that the country got its 
name from the "dry wells'' in it. 

KU-CHIH. 59 

A. D. 435 it became a vassal to China.^ The old Kutse 
embraced, not only the district now called K'u-ch'e, but 
also that of the present Sairam and other territory. It 
was an ancient state, and its extent varied at different 
periods. In a translation of a Buddhist book we find it 
mentioned as one of the parts of his great empire which 
Asoka proposed to give over to his son Kunala.2 The 
capital of Kutse was at one time (in the l**" cent. A. D.) 
the Yen (JE) city, and afterwards it was Yi-lo-lu (^ ^ §).^ 
In the Yuan period it was a constituent part of the Bish- 
balik territory, and it was also called J-iz-pa-ZJ 05, H-balik.* 
We find it described as being 200 or 170 U south of the 
Ak-tagh or White Mountains which emitted fire and smoke 
and yielded sal-ammoniac. ^ 

This country, the pilgrim continues, yielded millet, wheat, rice, 
grapes, pomegranates, and plenty of pears, plums, peaches, and 
apricots. It produced also gold, copper, iron, lead, and tin: its 
climate was temperate and the people had honest ways: their 
writing was taken from that of India but had been much altered ; 
they had great skill with wind- and stringed-musical instruments ; 
they dressed in variegated woollen cloth, cut their hair short, 
wore turbans, used coins of gold and silver and small copper 
ones, and they flattened the heads of their babies. Their king 
was a Kuchih man, he had few intellectual resources, and was 
under the sway of powerful statesmen. 

The word here rendered "millet" is the mi (^) of the 
previous section. But instead of this character the text 
has lua (jS^), "hemp", and the D text has mei as before. 
The word hsinff (^) here rendered by "apricots" is trans- 
lated "almonds" by Julien although in his "Documents Geo- 
graphiques" he has given the correct rendering "abricots". 
The skill of the Kuchih people in music is mentioned by 

1 T'ung-chien-kang-mu ch. 25 (Sung "Wen Huang Ti Yuan-chia 
12"" year. 

2 A-yii-wang-hsi-huai-mu-yin-yuaji-ching (So. 1367). 

3 Ch'ien Han Shu ch. 96: "Wei-Shu ch. 102: Ma T. 1. ch. 336. It 
was in the T'ang period that the capital was Yi-lo-lu. 

* Li-tai-yen-ko-piao, 1. c: T'ung-chien-kang-mu. ch. 25. 
5 Sui Shu ch. 83: Ta-ch'ing-yi-t'ung-chih ch. 351: See also Tim- 
kowski's Voyage Vol. I. p. 398. 


other writers, and their music and musical instruments 
became well known to the Chinese. So also the woollen 
cloths and good rugs of this country were known to the 
Chinese before the time of our pilgrim, as were also its 
iron and copper products. We learn also that its king 
had a golden throne, and wore a magnificent turban with 
a long streamer hanging down behind. The reigning sover- 
eign at the time of Yuan-chuang's visit had the surname 
Pai (Q) and was a lineal descendant of the man whom 
Lii kuang (g ^) had put on the throne more than 200 years 
before Yuan-chuang's time. This king showed his want of 
political wisdom in renouncing Chinese suzerainty in favour 
of an alliance with the Turks, who in A. D. 648 invaded 
his country and took him prisoner.^ 

The pilgrim's description proceeds to relate that there were 
in this country more than 100 Buddhist monasteries with above 
5000 Brethren who were adherents of the Sarvastivadin branch 
of the "Little Vehicle" and studied the books of their religion 
in the language of India. These Brethren also were held in the 
"gradual teaching", and took along with other food the "three 
pure" kinds of flesh, but they were extremely punctilous in ob- 
serving the rules of their code of discipline. 

As we learn from other sources the people of this coun- 
try were good Buddhists, and the number of Buddhist 
images and buildings throughout the land was very great. 2 
Our pilgrim passed more than one monastery in it on his 
way to the capital, and he spent his first night there with 
the Kao-ch'ang Brethren in their monastery. That the 
lay people, or at least the king, kept the vows of lay 
disciples we may infer from the Life's account of the 
king's breakfast to the pilgrim. It is specially mentioned 
that among the food served at this entertainment were the 
"three pure" kinds of meat; Yuan-chuang partook of the 
rest of the food but declined these, explaining that although 
they were allowed by the "gradual teaching" they were for- 

1 Wei Shu, 1. c: Sui shu 1. C: T'ung-chien-kang-mu oh. 40. 

2 Fang-chih ch. 1: Chin (f) Shu ch. 97: Tarikh-i-Rashid by 
Elias and Eoss p. 124^ote. 


bidden by the "Great Vehicle" of •which he was an ad- 
herent. The Brethren, who were all Hlnayanists, gave the 
pilgrim in their several monasteries as light refreshment 
grape-syrup which was a strictly orthodox beverage for 
all. Ku-chih had long been converted to Buddhism but 
it had not always been Hinayanist as we read of one of 
its former kings being a devoted Mahayanist. 

The pilgrim's description proceeds to relate that in the eastern 
part of Kuchih vras a large Dragon-Tank in front of a Deva- 
Temple to the north of a city. The dragons of this tank changed 
themselves into horses, and then conpled with mares: the offspring 
of this union was a fierce intractable breed, but the next gene- 
ration formed fine horses patient of harness, and of these there 
were very many. Local tradition told of a king in recent times 
named Gold-Flower who by his regal ordinances and judicial 
impartiality moved the dragons to become his vehicles, and when 
he wanted to die he touched the dragon's ears with a whip, 
whereupon he sank out of sight with them to the present time. 
There were no wells in the city and the people drew water from 
the Tank: the dragons now changed themselves into men and 
had intercourse with the women: the offspring of this union 
became daring and fleet as horses, and all the inhabitants gra- 
dually came to have a mixture of the dragon in them; trusting 
to their might they made themselves feared, and came to slight, 
the king's commands, whereupon the king brought in the Turks 
who slew all the living creatures in the city, and this was now 
a jungle without human inhabitants. 

This interpretation of the story about king Gold-Mower 
differs from the translation of the passage given by Julien 
which does not seem to be correct. It reads — "Le roi 
montrait, dans ses lois, una rare penetration. II sut toucher 
les dragons et les atteler a son char. Quand il voulait 
se rendre invisible, il frappait leurs oreilles avec son fouet 
et disparaissait subitement. Bepuis cette epoque, jusqu'a 
ce jour, la ville ne possede point de puits, de sorte que 
les habitants vont prendre dans le lac I'eau dont ils ont 
besoin." By a comparison of this with the originaP we 

' The original of the passage quoted from Julien is :— jEj ^jl B^ ^ 

m m mm^ m^ umm m:^ B $v m m. y:}. m ^ 


see that Julien did not notice that it was the secret influence 
of the king's wise and impartial government which moved 
the dragons to become his vehicles, and Kan-lung-yii-sheng 
cannot be made to mean "II sut toucher les dragons et 
les atteler a son char." Then "se rendre invisible" is not 
right for chung-me which means "to die"; the word yin, 
"hereupon" is omitted, and the words yi-chi-yu-chin, "down 
to the present" are divorced from their proper connection. 
This version also makes the author state that the inhabi- 
tants still "vont prendre" water and yet a few lines after 
we learn that the city was utterly lininhabited. 

Our narrative proceeds to relate that above forty li north of 
the depopulated city at the slopes of the hills, and separated by 
a river, ■o"ere two monasteries which bore the common name Chao- 
hu-li distinguished respectively as Eastern and "Western.. The 
images of the Buddha in these monasteries were beautiful almost 
beyond human skill; and the Brethren were punctilious in dis- 
cipline and devoted enthusiasts. In the Buddha-Hall of the 
East Chao-hu-li monastery was a slab of Jade-stone above two 
feet wide, of a pale yellow colour, and like a clam, and on it 
was an impress of Buddha's foot ; this was one foot eight inches 
long by above eight (in the D text, six) inches wide, anfl on 
fast days it sent forth a brilliant light. 
The Chao-hu-li (BS or BB '|'jjf ^) of this passage is appa- 
rently a foreign, perhaps an Indian word, but we have no 
hint as to its meaning. In other works we read of a 
great Chio-li Buddhist monastery in this * country, but we 
also find Chio-li Buddhist buildings in other places. This 
Chio-li is perhaps another form of the word transcribed 
Chao-hu-li, although I-ching tells us it is Chinese.^ As 
a Chinese term transcribed ^ g| Chio-li would mean 
"small birds such as sparrows and finches", but it is- also 
written Cliio-li ( | 35) ^'id this seems to be a foreign 
word. Our pilgrim's Chao-hu-li and the Chio-li of other 
writers may perhaps represent the Indian word Chiiri 
which denotes a small bird like the sparrow. But the 
tope at the place where the brahmin carrying a sparrow 

1 Shui-ching-chu: Kao-seng-chuan c7i. 2 (No. 1490). 

2 Shih-li-ching and J. A. T. VI. p. 365. 


interrogated the Buddha is the only one of the Buddhist 
buildings called Chio-li to which this interpretation can 
be applied with any probability. Another suggestion is 
that CJiio-li and Chao-hu-ll may be the foreign term re- 
presented by the common transcription Chu-li (j^ ^) 
which means motley or particoloured, of mixed bright and 
dark colours. This interpretation would evidently suit 
some, and perhaps, would apply to all, of the buildings to 
which the terms in question are applied. 

Outside of the west gate of the capital, the narrative relates, 
were two standing images of the Buddha, above ninety feet high, 
one on each side of the highway. These images marked the 
place where the great quinquennial Buddhist assemblies were 
held, and at which the annual autumn religious meetings of clergy 
and laity occurred. The latter meetings lasted for some tens of 
days', and were attended by ecclesiastics from all parts of the 
country. While these convocations were sitting the king and all 
his subjects made holiday, abstaining from work, keeping fast, 
and healring religious discourses. All the monasteries made pro- 
cessions with their images of Buddha, adorning these with pearls 
and silk embroideries. The images were borne on vehicles, and 
beginning with a thousand, they became a great multitude at the 
place of meeting. North-west from this place of assembly and 
on the other side of a river was the A-she-li-yi (fjif ^ jH J|C 
or 32.) Monastery. This had spacious halls and artistic images 
of the Buddha: its Brethren were grave seniors of long per- 
severance in seeking for moral perfection and of great learning 
and intellectual abilities: the monastery was a place of resort 
for men of eminence from distant lands who were hospitably 
entertained by the king and officials and people. The pilgrim 
then gives the curious legend about the origin of the monastery. 

We know from the Life that our pilgrim's account of 
the Buddhist procession of images here was derived from 
his own experience as he reached the country in time to 
witness one of these processions. The native annotator 
explains the A-she-li-yi here by "marvellous" and it is 
evidently a transcription of the Sanskrit word dscharya, 
meaning a marvel or miracle.^ According to the legend 

1 The character here read yi is JJ^ and Julien transliterates it ni, 
but the old and correct sound of the character is yi, and in the Life 


related by the pilgrim the monastery was erected by a 
king to commemorate the miracle which was wrought on 
his pure and noble-minded brother. One of its chief 
monks at this time, we learn from the Life, was the 
Brother known in religion by the name Mokshagupta, a 
Hinayanist who had studied above twenty years in India, 
and had acquired a great reputation in Kuchih, especially 
for his knowledge of the commentaries and etymology. 
When Yuan-chuang arrived Mokshagupta treatedhim merely 
with the ordinary courtesy due to any guest, but when the 
pilgrim exposed the ignorance of his host the latter came 
to treat him as his master in religion. This monastery 
is mentioned in "Wu-k'ung's itinerary by the name A-she- 
li-yi. It is also perhaps the Wang-Ssii or Eoyal Vihara 
of other writers, and we find Dharmagupta lodged in the 
Royal Vihara about A. D. 585 while he stayed in this country. 
The Miracle Monastery, Yuan-chuang tells us, drew learned 
Brethren from distant places to it, and it seems that 
these men came chiefly to study the Vinaya. One of these 
great students was Vimalaksha, popularly known as the 
"Dark-eyed Vinaya-Master", a contemporary of Kumarajiva.^ 


Our pilgrim continuing his narrative tells us that 
from this (viz. Kuchih city) a journey of aboye 600 li west across 
a small desert brought him to the Poh-ht-ka country. This was 
above 600 li from east to west by more than 300 li from north' 
to south, and its capital was five or six li in circuit. In general 
characteristics this country and its people resembled Euchih and 
its people, but the spoken language differed a little. The fine 
cloth and serge of the district were esteemed by the neighbouring 
countries. There were some some tens of monasteries with above 
1000 Brethren all adherents of the Sarvastivadin school. 

A Chinese note to our text tells us that old names 
for Foh-lu-ka were Ki-me and Ku-me in some 

we have instead of this character another also read yi, viz. ^. Wu- 
k'ung's transcription of the name is Pqf j{| 5E HC- 

1 Su-kao-seng-chuan eh. 2 (No. 1493). 

2 K'ai-yuan-lu ch. 3 (No. 1485). 


copies J jf by mistake). This Ku-me is found in the Han- 
Shu and is subsequent histories as the name of a state to 
the west of Kuchih. It had a capital called Nan-ch'eng 
or "South city", and it yielded copper, iron, and orpiment.' 
M. V. de St. Martin makes Ku-me or Poh-lu-ka correspond 
to the modern district of Aksu and this identification has 
been adopted by others. Some Chinese writers identify it 
•with the modern Bai city (^ J^), while others more cor- 
rectly regard it as represented by the present Yurgun or 
Khara-yurgun (H^ ^ ^ ^ jg), the Karayalghan or Khara- 
yurgun of our maps, which is within the political district 
of Aksu.2 It seems that Yuan chuang was the first to 
use this name Poh-lu-ka, and it is known only through 
these Records and the Life, for the "T'ang-Shu" evidently 
derived its information direct from the Records.' The 
explanation of its use is apparently simple. The Kii-me 
of the Histories transcribes the Turkish word Kum (or 
Qum) which means "sand" or "a desert", a word of frequent 
occurrence in names of places in Central Asia. Then the 
Buddhist Brethren from India substituted for Kum its 
Sanskrit equivalent Baluka which in our pilgrim's transcrip- 
tion became Poh-lu-ka. 

The word translated in the above passage by "cloth" is 
tieh in the B text and chan or "felt" in the C and D texts. 
The latter in the sense of "woollen cloth" is probably here, 
as in other passages, the correct reading, and it was the 
reading in the text of the Record used by the compiler of the 
T'ang-Shu". It was the fine woollen fabrics of this district 
which were held in esteem by the surrounding countries. 

1 Ch'ien Han-Shu, ch. 96: "Wei-Shu, ch. 102 where Ku-me is a 
dependency of Ku-tse. 

2 Hsin-ch'iang, ch. 1, 3. According to this treatise the "small 
desert" is the modern Ch'a-erh-chih-ko, the Charchik of our maps. 
See Proceedings of R. G. S. Vol. XII, No. 2, p. 86. 

3 T'ang-Shu, ch. 221. But the P'o-lu-ka (|g ;^ ^) or Baluka of 
the Ta-fang-teng-ta-chi-ching ch. 55 (No. 62) is evidently the Baluka 
of our text. 




The pilgrim goes on to relate that 
going north-west from Poh-lu-ka above 300 li passing along (or 
crossing) a stony desert he come to the Ling-shan (Ice Moun- 
tain). This was the north beginning of the Ts'ung-Ling and 
most of the streams from it flowed east. The gorges of the 
mountain accumulated snow and retained their coldness spring 
and summer, and although there was the periodical melting the 
freezing set in immediately; the path was dangerous, cold winds 
blew fiercely. There were many troubles from savage dragons 
who molested travellers : those going by this road could not wear 
red clothes or carry calabashes or make a loud noise; a slight 
provocation caused immediate disaster; fierce winds burst forth 
and there were flying sand and showers of stones, those who 
encountered these died, life could not be saved. A journey of 
over 400 li brought the pilgrim to a great clear lake above 
1000, li in circuit, longer from east to west than from north to 
south. The lake had hills on all sides and was the meeting-place 
for various streams; its waters were of a deep azure hue and 
had a sharp brackish taste; it was a vast expanse with tumul- 
tuous billows. Fish and dragons lived in it pell-mell, and super- 
natural prodigies appeared in it occasionally. So travellers 
prayed for good luck,, and although fish abounded no one would 
venture to catch them. 

From the Life we learn that Yuan-chuang was seven 
days in crossing the Ice Mountain, and from the Fang- 
chih we learn that he travelled in a western direction 
across it. The term which he uses for the Ice Mountain 
is Ling-shan (-j'^ [Ij), ling being the classical word for 
"ice". The modern Chinese name is Ping-shan with the 
same meaning, the Turkish designation being Musur-dabghan. 
According to the Life the mountain was high as the 
heavens and covered with eternal snow, and the Pass was 
extremely difficult and hazardous on account of its blocks 
of ice and masses of rock. Our pilgrim's Ling-shan re- 
garded as a Pass has been identified with the present 
Muzart or Ice-Pass, and there is much in favour of this 
identification although there are also difficulties in the 
way of its acceptance. Thus our pilgrim says he went 
north-west from the Kum or Kharayurgun district, but 


the Muzart is due north of that. M. St. Martin, accord- 
ingly, has to change the direction of the pilgrim's route 
and he tells us that "fliouen-thsang, en quittant Po-lpu-kia 
(Aksou), se porte au nord vers de grandes montagnes, qui 
forment, dit-il, I'angle (I'extremite) septentrionale des monts 
Tsong-ling." 1 Some Chinese writers on the subject also 
describe the great mountain range south of Ili as the 
north '"corner" (or "beginning") of the Ts'ung-Ling. But 
the Musur-dabghan is said to belong to a different range, 
not to the Ts'ung-Ling. The Muzart was and perhaps 
still is used by the traders passing between Kulja (Hi) 
and the districts of Kashgar, Yarkhand, and Khoten.2 
It is still very difficult arid hazardous to cross the Muzart 
from the south side, aud the trading caravans go from 
Kashgar to Kulja by other Passes, and take this one only 
on the return journey. Moreover our pilgrim's account of 
his journey over the Ling-shan Pass agrees well with the 
descriptions we have of the Muzart. But the Pass by 
which he crossed the great mountain may have been the 
Bedal, or one between that and the Muzart, or he may 
have gone north to the last and then in .a westerly direc- 
tion over the mountain to the "great clear lake". 

A note to the text here tells us that this lake was the Hot 
Sea (^ \^) and Salt Sea (^ \^) of others. It is the Issik- 
kiil or Hot Lake of the Turkic-speaking people and the 
Temurtu-nor or Ferruginous Lake of the Mongols. It is 
explained that the water of the Lake is not actually hot, 
but that the Lake was called "Hot Sea" because although 
girt by snow-clad mountains its waters never froze. It 
was called Temurtu-nor on account of the abundant pre- 
sence of flakes of iron brought down by the tributary 
streams. 3 

1 Julien in. p. 266. 

2 Hsin-ch'iang, chs. 1. 3. 4 

3 See Reclus L'Asie-Russe p. 350: Proc^ R. G. S. Vol. XVIII, 
p. 249: Hsin-ch'iang, chs. 1. 4: T'ung-chien-kang-mu, ch. 41: Sven 
Hedin's Through Asia, Vol.11, p. 858. Description of Issik Kul in 
Schuyler's Turkestan, Vol. II, p. 128. 



It will be noticed that the information which our pilgrim 
gives about this "great clear lake" is such as might have 
been acquired without a personal visit. Comparing the 
combined accounts of the Records and the Life with the 
descriptions given by later travellers, we are perhaps 
justified in at least doubting whether the pilgrim . actually 
reached the Issik-kul. Other travellers, Chinese and 
western, agree in describing this lake as being actually 
hot, at least near the banks, the only parts accessible 
until lately. No mention, however, is made either in the 
Records or the Life of the nature of the banks, of the 
tribes who lived on them, or of the vestiges of a former 
state of affairs. In connection with the statement that no 
one dared to fish in the lake we may recall the fact that 
the Syrians forbade any interference with the large tame 
fish in the river Chalos, regarding the fish as divine. > 
Our pilgrim was evidently told that the Lake was the 
abode of mysterious powerful supernatural beings easily 
excited and supposed to be malevolent. It was by these 
creatures that the waters, even when there was no wind, 
were agitated, and monstrous billows put in motion. Through 
fear of these unseen beings also, apparently, the people 
of the district did not dare to fish in the Lake. 

Yuan-chuang here makes the Issik-kul to be above 
1000 li in circuit, and the Life makes it 1400 or 1500 li 
in circuit, but some other Chinese authorities represent it 
as only a few hundred li in circuit. 
The pilgrim goes on the relate that 
[from] Issik-kiil going north-west he travelled above 500 li to 
the city of the Su-she water which was six or seven li in circuit. 
It was inhabited by traders and Tartars (Bm) from various 
districts; the country yielded millet, wheat, grapes, but trees 
were sparse; its climate was regular and its winds cold; the 
people wore woollen (felt and serge) clothing. To the west of 
Su-she were some tens of isolated cities each with its own 
governor but all under the rule of the Turks. 

Xenophon Anab. A. IV." 9. 


The translators seem to have understood the first words 
of the text of this passage as meaning that the pilgrim 
following the north side of Issik-kul went north-west 500 li 
from it. But the Life gives the direction as "north-west 
following the Lake". Then Ma Tuan-lin, whose inspiration 
was derived from the Eecords, does not mention the "Clear 
lake" and places the "Su-she water City" 500 li north-west 
from the Ling-slian.* It seems to me that we must regard 
the pilgrim as coming out from the Ice Mountain on the 
south side of the Lake and going on keeping the Lake 
on his right hand travelling north-west 500 li to the city 
of the Su-she water. The name of this "water" or river 
is written ^ ^ but we are told that the second character 
is to be read she and not ye, and Julien corrected his "Su- 
ye" to "Su-che", that is Sushe or Susa. "We do not seem 
to know of this city, at least by this name, except through 
our pilgrim's narrative, although we find mention of another 
Su-she river. We read in the history of the T'ang dynasty 
of a city to the east of the Hot Lake called Sui-ye (or 
-she) (^ ^) and this is taken by Dr. Bretschneider and 
others, Chinese included, to be the Su-she of the present 
passage. 2 But this Sui-she city did not come into existence 
until A. D. 679 when it was built by the Chinese." The 
expression used is chu-Sui-she-ch'eng (H i^ ^ |^) "build 
the Sui-she city, but the words have been taken to mean 
that the Chinese built a fort at Sui-she. This city was 
apparently substituted for Yenk'i as one of the Four 
Stations under the Chief Resident of An-hsi: we have 
mention of it being restored to that position in the year 
A. D. 692, and in 748 it was destroyed. The T'ang-Shu 
mentions the Sui-she valley ()\]), 80 li from the mouth of 
which was the city of General P'ei Lo (j| ^), and 40 li 
west from it was the Sui-she city; on the north of this 
was the river with the same name, and 40 li north of it 

I Ch. 336. 

= Med. Ees. Vol. i. p. 227. 

' T'ung-ohien-kang-mu, ch. 41 (T'ang Kao Tsung Tiao-li 1'* yearj. 


was the Ku-tan (^§ J3") hill, the spot at -which the Khans 
of the Ten surnames were crowned.^ This city seems to 
have disappeared ever since the T'ang period. Its remains 
are supposed by some to exist at a place on the north 
side of the Issik-kiil, but this does not suit the position 
of the city with reference to the Lake. The Su-she for 
our text was apparently situated to the west of Issik-kiil, 
south of Tokmak, and not very far to the north-west of 
the Son-kiil. Modern Chinese maps place in that neigh- 
bourhood a river called 8u-sa-ma-irh (j^ g 3|§ ]jj), that is 
perhaps, "Susa water". In some of our maps this river 
appears as "Susamir", a name also given to a range of 
moimtains in the neighbourhood. In some old maps of 
the Persian empire at the height of its greatness we find 
to the north of Samarkand a town called "Teraa" and 
north-east from it a river "Sosechi". Further it is to be 
observed that some Chinese geographers understand Sui- 
she-shui to be an old name for the Issik-kul.2 At the 
time of our pilgrim's visit the Su-she river and its city 
had been a part of the great Persian empire; and we may 
with some probability take the name Su-she to be for Susa, 
transferred from the old Susa "by Choaspes' amber stream, 
the drink of none but kings". Professor Hirth, who con- 
siders the Su-she of our text to be the Sui-she of the 
T'ang History, restores the name Sui-she as Suj-ab.3 He 
writes Su-ye and 8ui-ye, and if the latter term is. regarded 
as a Chinese name his transcription of the characters may 
be correct. But the former is a foreign word read 8ti- 
she, and our pilgrim's Svrshe-shui may possibly correspond 
to the Suj-ab of Tabari quoted by Dr. Hirth. 

1 Ch. 43. The "General Pei Lo" of this passage is perhaps the 
civil official Pei Hing-chien (^ ^ •^) who caused a general to build 
the city. 

2 Hsin-ch'iang, ch. 1 where the expression is Sui-sheh-chuan (Jlj). 

3 Naohworte z. Inschrift d. Tonjukuk S. 71 and cf. S: 73. 75. (Die 
Alt-Turkisohen Inschriften d. Mongolen. Badloff). 



The pilgrim adds — 

From the city of the Su-she water to the Kasanna country the 
territory and its inhabitants are called Su-li. This name is 
applied also to the language and the writing of the people. The 
letters of their language are only 20 (in the B text 30) odd 
which have come to produce a vast vocabulary: they read their 
writing vertically: teacher transmits instruction to his successor 
in unbroken continuity. Their garments, which are tight-fitting, 
are felt (in B tieh) and "serge for inside and skins and wool (or 
Cotton tieh) outside. They cut the hair even leaving the top of 
the head exposed, some shave off aU the hair, and they bind the 
forehead with a silk band. They are of large stature but of a 
cowardly disposition : they are treacherous and deceitful in their 
ways and very avaricious. Father and son scheme for gain: 
wealth gives eminence : there is no distinction between the well- 
born and the low-born: one who is extremely rich may live on 
poor food and wear coarse clothing. The people are half-and- 
half traders and farmers. 

The country and people here called Su-li (^ ^ij) are 
apparently almost unknown, at least by this name. I-ching 
several times mentions a region and people which he calls 
Su-li (^ D) and this word is probably the Su-li of our 
passage. But whereas Yuan-chuang restricts his name 
to a small defined district, I-ching seems to use his Su-li 
as a general name for the northern extra-India people 
called Hu (^3) or at least for a main division of the Hu.^ 
So also in his Sanskrit-Chinese Vocabulary I-ching gives 
Sali transcribed Su-li as the Sanskrit equivalent for Hu: 
the transcription for Sali is generally Su-li but in one 
place it is, perhaps by mistake, Sunlin. As to what Sali 
or Su-li means we seem to be left in ignorance. Alberuni 
mentions a country Sulika which he places in the north, 
and another Sulika which he puts in the north-west, but 
the latter name, which is taken from the Bfihat-Samhita 

» Nan-hai-ch'i-kuei Chs. 9, 10, 25, and Takakusu pp. 49, 68, 
69, 119. 


should perhaps he read Mulika.* It seems prohable that 
the Su-li of our pilgrim corresponds to the "Sarts" of 
later times. This is a term applied, we are told, by the 
nomads of Central Asia to all dwellers in towns and vil- 
lages without regard to race or origin. But, according 
to M. de- UjfalTy, the Tajiks are not counted as Sarts. 
These Tajiks, it is important to remember, are Iranians 
(Eranians) of three kinds, (1) indigenous Iranians, (2) Per- 
sian colonists, and (3) the descendants of Persian slaves. 
It is interesting to compare M. de Ujfalvy's "Carte ethno- 
graphique de I'Asie centrale" with Yuan-chuang's narrative 
and the description of the Su-li with that of the Sarts. ^^ 
But although the descriptions may correspond it does not 
seem right to regard Su-li as a transcription of Sart. 
Like another word [to. be noticed hereafter it may stand 
for the Turkic Suliq in the sense of "having water", a 
term which seems to be very appropriate to at least a 
portion of the Su-li region but not to all. We should 
probably regard the pilgrim's statement that the country 
was called Su-li as a mistake and the name should perhaps 
be regarded as applying only to the inhabitants and their 


£,eturniiig to the text of our Records we read that a journey 
of above 400 li westward from "Su-she city" brought the pilgrim 
to the "Thousand Springs". The district with this name was 
above 200 li square; it had Snowy mountains on its south side 
and level land on the other sides ; it had a rich mouldy soil and 
trees everywhere; in the latter part of spring the place vras an 
embroidery of flowers. There were a thousand springs and 
ponds and hence the name of the district; the Khan of the 
Turks came here every year to escape the summer heat. The 
place contained flocks of tame deer many of which wore bells 
and rings; the deer were cherished by the Khan who forbade 
thei slaughter of any of them under the penalty of capital punish- 
ment, and so the deer lived their natural lives. 

» Alberuni Vol. I. pp. 300, 302: Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 190. 
2 Le Kohistan, Le Ferghanah et Kouldja pp. 59, 187.^ 


From the Life we learn that the local native name of 
this charming district, here called Ch'ien-Ch'uan (f ;^)> 
was Ping-yii (^ ^). This evidently represents Bing-ghynl 
which is the Turkic equivalent for Ch'ien-ch'uan or "Thous- 
and Springs". There is little mention of the district 
bearing this name in Chinese literature. We find it stated 
in the history of the Sui dynasty that in the year A. D. 
619 the She-hu khan of the West Turks removed his 
Court to the Thousand Springs, described as being to the 
north of the Shih (^), that is, Tashkend country.* Moreover 
in the XII*'' chuan of these Records we are told that the 
Ts'ung-Ling range 'extended on the north to the Hot sea 
(the Issik-kiil) and Thousand Springs'. 

M' Schuyler finds the district here named Thousand 
Springs in the country to the north of the Alexandrofsky 
range and between Aulieata and Ak-su. Of his journey 
from the former of these two places to the latter he 
writes — "All along my right was the beautiful Alexandrofsky 
range, with many of its summits then white with snow. 
At almost every step I crossed rivulets trickling down 
from the hills, showing well the truth of the old name, 
'the thousand sources'." 2 With this we may compare 
D' Bretschneider's opinion — "Vivien de St. Martin, in his 
geographical notes appended to Stan. Julien's translation 
of Hiian Thsang's narrative identifies Ts^ients'uan with a 
place Ming hulak, south of Lake Karakul, thus carrying 
the traveller far north-west, and then locates his Ta-lo-sz 
between the aforesaid lake and the Jaxartes. But this 
view is untenable. Ming bulak meaning 'Thousand Springs' 
in Mongol and other languages of the East, is a quite 
frequent name for places in Mongolia and Central Asia. 
It seems to me that the Thousand Springs of the Chinese 
traveller, bordered on the south by snowy mountains, 
whilst on the other sides all was level land, must be rather 
looked for somewhere on the northern slope of the high 

1 See T'ung-chien-kang-mu ch. 38 (sui Kung Ti 2^ year). 

2 Turkiatan Vol. II. p. 123. 


mountain stretching from Lake Issik-kul westward, and 
marked on Eussian maps as Alexander's CJiain".^ 


Before leaving this district we must take notice of the 
short description which the Life gives of the pilgrim's 
meeting with the Khan of the Turks. 

It relates that at the Su-she-water city, called here the Su-she 
city, the pilgrim met with the Turk Sh<eh-hu Khan then on a 
hunting expedition. His military equipment, we are told, was 
very grand. The !Khan wore a green satin robe ; his hair which 
was ten feet long was free : a band of white silk was wound 
round his forehead hanging down behind. The ministers of the 
presence, above 200 in number, all wearing embroidered robes 
and with plaited hair stood on his right and left. The rest of 
his military retinue clothed in fur, serge, and fine wool, the 
spears and standards and bows in order, and the riders of camels 
and horses stretched far away out of ken. The j&han was 
delighted to meet Tuan-chuang and invited him to stay in the 
encampment during his absence which would be only for two 
or three days, giving him into the charge of a Minister of the 
presence named Ha-mo-chih. After three days the Khan returned 
and Yuan-chuang was taken to his tent. The gold embroidery 
of this grand tent shone with a dazzling splendour ; the ministers 
of the presence in attendance sat on mats in long rows on either 
side all dressed in magnificent brocade robes while the rest of 
the retinue on duty stood behind. You saw that although it 
was a case of a frontier ruler yet there was an air of distinction 
and elegance. The Khan came out from his tent about thirty 
paces to meet Yuan-chuang who after a courteous greeting 
entered the tent. As the Turks are fire-worshippers they do 
not use wooden seats, we are told, as wood has the principle of 
fire, and they use double mats as seats : but for the pilgrim the 
Khan provided an iron-framed bench with a mattress. After a 
short interval envoys from China and Kao-ch'ang were admitted 
and presented their despatches and credentials which the Khan 
perused. He was much elated and caused the envoys to be 
seated, then he ordered wine and music for himself and them 
and grape-syrup for the pilgrim. Hereupon all pledged each 
other and the filling and passing and draining of the winecups 
made a din and bustle, while the mingled music of various 

' Med. Kes. Vol. I. p. 228 note. 


instruments rose loud : although the airs were the popular strains 
of foreigners yet they pleased the senses and exhilarated the 
mental faculties. After a little, piles of roasted beef and mutton 
were served for the others, and lawful food such a cakes, milk, 
candy, honey, and grapes for the pilgrim. After the entertainment 
grape-syrup was again served and the Khan invited Yuan-chuang 
io improve the occasion, whereupon the pilgrim expounded the 
doctrines of the "ten virtues", compassion for animal life, and 
the Faramitas and emancipation. The E!han raising his hands 
bowed and gladly believed and accepted the teaching. He 
detained the pilgrim some days and wanted to keep him per- 
manently. "You need not go to the In-fe-ka country", he urged, 
"that land is very hot, its 10"» month being as the 5t>i of this 
place; judging from your appearance I fear you will not survive 
a visit ; its people are contemptible being black and uncivilized". 
But the pilgrim replied that notwithstanding all this he wanted 
to seek the traces of the Buddha and learn his religious system. 
Then the. £han sought out among his retainers a young man 
who had spent some years in Ch'ang-an and could speak Chinese 
and other languages. This young man he made Mo-to-ta-kuan 
and appointed him to go' with the pilgrjm as far as Eapistet 
entrusting him also with despatches about the pilgrim. The 
Khan, moreover, gave Yuan-chuang a dark-red silk monk's suit 
and fifty webs (p'i /£) ot soft silk, and he and his ministers 
escorted the pilgrim above ten li on his way. 

The "Sheh-hu Khan" of this passage was probably a 
relative of that To-lu (P|l} g) Khan of the West Turks 
who died in A. D. 635. His title is written Te-hu (H ^), 
in other places also p ^, but we are always told that 
the characters are to be read 8heh-hu. This term, which 
is of very frequent occurrence in historical works treating 
of the Turks, is generally interpreted as meaning ta-ch^in 
Ok E) ^^ "high official". We are told that it denoted 
the highest rank of Turkish officials under the Khan, and 
the person bearing this title was usually a son, brother, 
or other near relative of the Eian.^ He was commonly 
the satrap or governor of a Province, but we read also 
of the Right and Left Shehhu at the Khan's court,2 There 

1 Ma I. 1. ch. 343. 344. 

2 Ma I. 1. ch. 347: T'angshu ch. 21*7. Here it is TJigour digni- 
taries who style themselves "Left and Eight Sheh-hu". In the Life 


is much probability in the supposition that the word 
represents the old Turkic Yabgu or Jabgu found in cer- 
tain old inscriptions, and this word also denotes a viceroy 
or Govemon* 

For the words "his military equipment was very grand" 
the Chinese is Jung-ma-chen-sMng (5^ ,§ :g ^) which 
Julien translates — "Les chevaux de ces barbares etaient 
extremement nombreux." This rendering seems to be 
faulty and to spoil the description. Jung-ina is originally 
a "war-horse", and the term is used in this sense in 
classical literature. Then it came to denote the army and 
all the material equipment for a war, and it is also used 
to denote "a campaign," a "state of actiye warfare." ^ 
As the context here shews the pilgrim found reason to 
admire the army which attended the Khan and the army 
included soldiers mounted on elephants and horses along 
with standard-bearers and others. It seems better, accord- 
ingly, to translate the clause by some such words as "his 
military equipment was magnificent." In the Eecords we 
find the &spressiovL.pmg-'m,arcltiang-sMng (J£ ,§ gg ^) with 
a similar meaning. 

As to the Khan's hair the D text makes it to have 

also we have the Governor of Tokhara, a grandson of the "Sheh-hu 
Khan" assuming the title of "Sheh-hu" (Life ch. 5 : Julien I. p. 268). 
The pilgrim seems to have made a distinction between the "Sheh-hu 
Khan" or Governor of several Provinces and the "Sheh-hu", the 
Governor of one Province under the former. This distinction, how- 
ever, is not strictly observed by him and it seems to be unknown 
to others. 

• Thomsen's Inscriptions de I'Orkhon, ps 102,^146, 192: Hirth's 
Nachworte &c. op. c. S. 22, 45. 

2 Two examples may suffice. In the 46* chapter of the Tao-te-ohing 
we find the draught-horse of peace and the Jung-ma or "war-horse" 
used in an illustration of the effects of good government and of 
disorder respectively. The words of this passage Jung-ma-shing-gu- 
chiao (jJc H ^ ~f ^), "the war steeds are born on the wild fron- 
tiers," often shortened to Jung-ma-tsai-chiao are often used to denote 
the existence of a state of border warfare. Then "in the midst of 
war" is expressed by ^ ^ ^ ^ f^- 


been above ten feet long,' but the C text, which Julien 
seems to have had, was taken by him to mean that it 
was the silk band which was ten feet long. This reading, 
however, is evidently vraang, the word i (H), as the parallel 
clause shews, being an improper interpolation. 

The term here rendered "Ministers of the presence" is 
torkuan (^ "g) for which Julien gives "officiers" and 
"officiers de haut rang," but neither of these is so good 
as his discarded rendering "officiers introducteurs." In 
a Chinese-Sanskrit Vocabulary this word is given as the 
equivalent of the Sanskrit word Samtnata in the sense of 
"held in esteem" or "honoured." It is also given as the 
rendering of the Sanskrit Amantrayita and of the Turkish 
equivalent Tasrifatyi. But the word, which is also written 
Ta-Jcan (^ ^) is evidently, as has been conjectured, the 
Turkish word Tarkhan or Darghan. The Ta-Jcuan or 
Tarkhan were not necessarily officials of high degree, 
but they were men whom the Khan delighted to honour, 
who attended him on state occasions and introduced those 
summoned or invited to his presence. They had the right 
of entry to the Khan's presence, and they had also the 
privilege of sitting in his presence at an audience, banquet, 
or other state function. 2 "When the pilgrim is leaving, the 
Khan, as we have seen, appoints a young retainer to be 
Mo-to (j^ t^yta-liuan and accompany the pilgrim to Kapis. 
This word Moto, which we sometimes find used as if it 
were a personal name, is perhaps for the Turkish word 
Mutarjinn which means "an interpreter". 

The words here rendered "spears and standards" are 
sho-tu (^ ^), but it seems to be possible that the writer 
used them in the sense of "raised standard". The word 
tu is the Turkish tugh, a standard formed by a long pole 
surmounted by a receptacle containing a yak's tail. This 

1 Of. Ogilby's Persia -p. 81. 

s De Courteille Diet. Turk, or ». p. 318: Hirth, op. c. p. 55: 
Thomsen op. c. ps. 69, 185: Schlegel, Die Chin. Ins. ad. d. Uigur 
Denkmal, S. 9 et al. 


standard was one of the insignia of relatives of the Khan 
and distinguished military officers. 

The author of the Life tells us, we have seen, that the 
Khan had a fine bearing and presence "although he was 
a frontier ruler." In the original the words for "frontier 
ruler" are K'ung-lu-chih-chUn {% ^±,1^) which Julien 
translates — "un prince barhare, abrite sous une tente de 
feutre", which seems to be a double translation. K^ung-lil 
is a well-known literary term for Pien-ti or "border land" 
as contrasted with Shen-chou or China. But it is also 
used to denote "a felt tent," and then "an encampment," 
"camp-life." i As K'ung means "vast" or "lofty" and Hi 
means a "hut" or "cottage" we may with some probability 
regard the compound in the sense of a "felt tent" as a 
foreign word. We find it also written Kung-lii, (J^ fH) 
and these two terms may perhaps represent the Turkish 
word KUlube which means a "tent of felt." But in phrases 
like that of our text the term should perhaps be regarded 
as having the signification of "outlying," that is, "barbarous 

We come next to the words here loosely rendered by 
"the mingled music of various instruments." These are 
K'in-mei-tou (or tu)-li (^ ^ ^ gf|) which Julien renders — 
"la musique des barbares du midi et du nord, de I'orient 
et de I'occident," but this is evidently not correct. We 
know that the old term for the music of the north bar- 
barians was k'in (^), for that of the East barbarians md 
(t^ or ^), for that of the southern barbarians jen (^), 
and for that of the west barbarians chu-li (•^ or j^ g|).2 
It will be seen that our passage has not the word jen, 
and that its characters are not those of the rest of the 
description here quoted. A glossary to the passage tells 

1 Ku-shih-yuan ("j^ l'^ ^) ch.6 and eh. 2: Ch'ien Han-shu eh. 96. 
Jih-chih-lu (0 4ll 0S) ch. 29. "With the description of the Khan 
given in our text we may compare Master, A. Jenkinson's account 
of Solyman the Great Turke in Hakluyt's Principall Voyages, &c, 
p. 81 (l8t ed.). 

2 Ma T. 1. ch. 148: Kanghsi Diet. s. v. /{$. 


US that liHn-mei is the name of a barharian music, and 
our tvrli is the recognized transcription of the Sanskrit 
word turyd, meaning "music." This last word had been 
known to the Chinese for some centuries before Yuan- 
chuang's time. It is possible the ft'm, mei, and tn-li of 
our passage may be the k'in, mei, and chu-li of other 
books and that the words are used here in a pecuUar 
manner. Our four characters may thus mean simply "the 
music of the foreign instruments" or something similar. 

It will be noticed that among the "pure food" of which 
the pilgrim partakes at the Khan's banquet was a pre- 
paration of milk. In taking this he was not acting in 
strict accordance with Mahayanist discipline, and I-ching 
states positively that milk was not a lawful article of food 
to a bhikshu.! 

When the feast was over the pilgrim, at the Khan's 
request, as we have seen, gave him an exposition of some 
of the leading features of Buddhism. The first in the list 
of subjects is the shih-shan (-J* ^) or "Ten Virtues" that 
is, the ten excellent precepts which the Mahayanist under- 
took to observe. These were not to kill, not to steal, not 
to commit impurity, not to be false in language, not to be 
double-tongued, not to use bad language, not. to use fine 
glosing speech, not to covet, not to be angry, not to take 
heretical views. 2 

The narrative in the Life with which we are now concerned 
gives us a very interesting picture of that strange people 
called by the Chinese T^u-kUe, Turks. This people had 
a remarkable but short career the main incidents of which 
are well known. In the 5*'' century of our era the Turks 
were slaves in the iron mines and forges of another tribe, 
the Juan-juan or Niu-yen, on the south of the Gold 
mountain near the modern Barkul. They rebelled against 
their masters and were successful Their dash and prowess 
soon made them a power, and they harried the surrounding 

1 Nan-hai-ch'i-kuei, ch. 1. 

» Fa-kie-tzfi-ti-chu-men, ch. 1 (No. 1572). 


regions to the borders of China. Then we find a king in 
China sending an envoy to them in A. D. 515 and this is 
the first appearance of the Turks in Chinese history. * A 
few (24) years afterwards envoys from the rulers of Persia 
and the Roman Empire arrived at the seat of government 
of these Turks.^ About this time also the Wei king in 
China received and entertained magnificently a Turkish 
ambassador with a large suite at Ch'ang-an-foo and gave 
a princess to the Khan in marriage. The splitting up of 
the great Turkish host occurred a few years afterwards, 
about the end of the sixth century, and the term "West 
Turks" began to be used from that time. The power of 
the Turks grew rapidly until it extended from Liao-tung 
to the West (Caspian) Sea, but vrithin little more than 
two centuries it passed away. 

The account of the Khan and his doings here reminds 
one of descriptions of Persian chiefs in other books, and 
this Khan seems to be in some respects rather Persian 
than Turkish. We see him, for example, Hke a satrap, 
a Persian "Prefectus Provincise," practising his soldiers in 
hunting; and the chase is with him apparently a military 
exercise. The "Thousand Springs" was a Paradeisos with 
plenty of water, thickly grown with trees and full of wild 
animals. The pretty story in the Records about the deer 
in this place going about free and secure, adorned with 
bells and rings, shews us that the Khan did not hunt 
merely for the game to be taken. But the story may be 
a misinterpretation of an old Persian custom to which the 
Khan adhered. Of this custom we find mention by Ogilby 
in the following passage — "In the beginning of the month 
Mamadhan, which is our Lent, the king goes to Abicurong 
in the mountains to take the fresh air, and to hunt, in 
which sport he spends several days, attended by some 
thousands of people. At the ears of those beasts which 
the king takes alive he hangs golden plates, on which are 

1 T'ung-chien-kang-mu, ch. 32, p. 62. 

2 Gibbon. Decline and Fall, ch. xlii. 


engraven certain marks, and then setting them at liberty 
again, often he retakes them; nay some have been taken 
who have had the marks of king Thamas, Ismail Sefi, and 
other ancient princes." » 

The Life represents the West Turks as fire-worshippers 
and as abstaining from the use of wooden seats on account 
of their reverence for the element of fire inherent in wood. 
But here there is evidently a mistake. The Persians were 
fire-worshippers, but we read of the Turks as worshipping 
the "blue heaven," their ancestors, and other objects, and 
as miners and blacksmiths they cannot have been fire- 
worshippers. But it is acknowledged that some at least 
of the Turks, perhaps under Persian influence, became 
worshippers of fire: and a Turkish tribe, the Karakirghiz, 
although nominally Mahometan still adheres to rites of 
the old worship. 2 The Turks at the Su-she city sat cross- 
legged on mats or cushions because it was their custom. 
Out of consideration for the Chinese guest the Khan 
ordered a bench for him such as was used by Buddhist 
monks. In like manner the king of Hyrcan in 1566 
shewed courtesy to M' A. Jenkinson when the latter was 
presented to him. The king "kept his court at that time 
in the high mountains in tents"; he was "richly apparelled 
with long garments of silke and cloth of golde imbrodered 
with pearls and stone." M"^ Jenkinson proceeds — "Thus 
the king with his nobilitie sitting in his pavilion with his 
legs acrosse, and perceiving that it was painefull for me 
so to sit, his highnesse caused a stoole to be brought in 
and did will me to sit thereupon after my fashion." ' 

1 Ogilby's Persia p. 79. 

2 Schuyler's Turkistan VoL II. p. 137. 

3 Hakluyt op. c. p. 367. 



The account in the Records proceeds to relate that from 
Bing-ghyul or Thousand Springs the pilgrim continued his 
journey westward and after going 140 or 150 li he arrived at 
the city of Ta-lo-ssu. This city was eight or nine li in circuit: 
here traders and Tartars (or, trading Tartars) from other coun- 
tries lived pell-mell: in natural products and climate the city 
much resembled Su-she. 
The Ta-lo-ssu of this passage is undoubtedlj the Taras 
or Talas . of seyeral old writers and travellers. ,D' Bret- 
schneider, properly rejecting M. Saint-Martin's identification 
of Taras, is disposed to place the site of the city near 
that of the present Aulie-ata on the river Taras, and 
D^ Schuyler is of the same opinion. * This seems to be 
correct enough for practical purposes, but the old Taras 
(or Talas) was probably some miles to the south-east of 
the modern town Auli6-ata; It should be added that 
while the distance between Su-she and Taras in this 
passage is 540 li the distance between the Sui-ye city 
and Taras is given elsewhere as only 310 li.^ 

Our narrative proceeding tells us that above ten li to the 
south of Taras was a small isolated town inhabited by above 
300 Chinese. These men had originally been taken captive by 
the Turks ajid carried ofiF to this district: they had afterwards 

» Med. Res. Vol. I. p. 18 note and p. 228 note. See Schuyler's 
Turkistan Vol. II. p. 120. 

2 T'ang-Shu, ch. 43 and 221. 


banded together and had settled in and fortified this town : they 
had then changed their style of dress for that of the Turks but 
they had still retained their native speech and ways of life. 

In connection with these statements it will be remem- 
bered that while Yuan-chuang was at Su-she a Chinese 
envoy arrived and had audience of the Khan. This may 
have been the envoy sent by the Emperor T'ai Tsung in 
A. D. 631 to obtain from the Turks the release of all their 
Chinese captives. In the time of the Sui dynasty the 
Turks had invaded China, penetrating far into the country 
and carrying off many myriads of Chinese prisoners. It 
was to ransom these that the great Emperor sent his 
ambassador to the Khan in the year mentioned. The 
historian tells us that the number of men, women, and 
children released from captivity among the Turks on this 
occasion was above 80000. Among those thus happily 
restored to their homes were probably the 300 Chinese 
of this little town near Taras.' 


Proceeding on his journey and going in a south-west direc- 
tion for above 200 li from the little Chinese town the pilgrim 
reached the Fai-shui-ch'enff or "White water city." This was 
six or seven li in circuit, and the district excelled Taras in 
fertility of soil and in climate. 

As we learn from other sources this was a well-watered 
region with a rich fertile soil.2 Long ago Remusat iden- 
tified this "White water city" with the "Isfidjab" or «Es- 
fidjab" of Arabian writers, this name also meaning "White 
water." 3 M. St. Martin adopts this identification and it 
has been generally followed. Then this "Isfidjab" has 
been declared to be the Sairam which is now, D' Bret- 
schneider tells us, "a little town in Russian Turkestan, 
north-east of Tashkend and about 6^2 (but in another 

» T'ung-chien-kang-mu, ch. 39 (Tang-T'ai Tsung's S'h year). 

2 T'ang-shu ch. 221. 

» Rech. Lang. Tart. p. 286. 


place he says 13) English miles east of Chimkend."' It 
is perhaps better, however, to find the representative of 
the Pai-shui-ch'tng of Yuan-chuang in the modern Man- 
kent. This town, which is also called Ak-su or "White 
water," is ahont 15 miles to the north-east of Chimkend. 
This last town is also regarded by some as being on or 
near the site of the "White water city." 


Continuing to travel south-west our pilgrim went on from 
"White water" city for more than 200 li and arrived at the city 
Kung-yii or Kung-ya (^ ^), which was five or six li in circuit. 
In this district the downs and marshes had a rich loamy soil 
and were densely covered with forests. 

Of this city no one seems to know anything and even 
the name is not quite certain as instead of Kung-yii we 
find in one authority Kung-ching (^ ^^-^ It is probable, 
however, that this latter form is only a freak of a copyist 
and that the former is the correct reading. As we find 
Ch'uan-ch'eng (^ ^) or "City of the spring (or springs)" 
given as the name of this city we are probably justified 
in regarding Kung-yii as standing for the Turkic word 
KHyu which denotes a well or spring, the native name of 
the city being Kuyu-shahr. It is remarkable that the 
Fang-chih here does not menjbion the "White water city" 
and makes Kung-yii to be above 200 li to the south-west 
of Taras or half the distance given by the pilgrim. 


Our pilgrim next proceeds to relate that a journey of 40 or 
50 li south from Kung-yii city brought him to the country of 
Nurchih-Mn or kan (^ fj; ^). This country was above 1000 li 
in circuit and it had a soil rich and fertile, a dense vegetation 
and fruits and flowers in great luxuriance : grapes were thought 
much of although plentiful. There were a hundred odd cities 

1 Med. Res. Yol. I. p. 74 and II. p. 94. See also Schuyler's 
Turkistan I. p. 75 and 393. 

2 Ma T. 1. ch. 336. 


and towns each -with its own governor: but although the towns 
and their districts were mutually independent and distinct poli- 
tical divisions yet the collective name for all was the "Nu-chih- 
kan Country." 

Of a district in this region bearing the name Nu-chih' 
kan, perhaps pronounced Uke Nujikkend, little if anything 
seems to be known beyond what is recorded here by our 
author. M. Saint-Martin, however, writes of Nu-chih-kan 
thus — "Nous retrouvons indubitalement ce lieu dans la 
Noudjkeh (pour Noudjkend) mentionnee par le Mesalek- 
alabsar entre Taras et Khodjend, mais sans indication 
precise quant k I'emplacement." ' This Nujkend, it has 
been suggested, may possibly represent the Turkic com- 
pound Nujabahkend, meaning "the territory of the nobles" 
a restoration which seems to suit our pilgrim's description. 


The pilgrim goes on to state that from Nu-chih-kan going 
west above 200 li he came to the Che-shih country. This was 
above 1000 li in circuit, reaching on the west to the She (or Ye) 
river, being greater in extent from north to south than from 
east to west: in natural products and climate it was like Nu- 
chih-kan: its cities and towns were some tens in number, each 
with its own chief magistrate'and without any general chief, but 
all subject to the Turks. 

The country here described has been long ago correctly 
identified with the modern Tashkend. Our pilgrim calls 
it Che-shili OJg ^), as we are told to read the characters, 
or Chesh. ' This is evidently the Che-she (^ ^)2 of earlier 
•writers with its capital Che-chih (^ j^): the latter, 
D' Hirth's "Tjadj," is also used to designate the country.* 
The name is also written Che-chih (|5 5) and its capital 
Che-che (U Jf)i ^'^d some western writers call the capital 
"Seket." The i-iter of this country is here called She or 
Te (§) short for Ye-ye or Ye-she, the Jaxartes. Another 

1 Julian III. p. 276. 

2 T'ung-chien-kang-mu, ch. 25: Ma T. 1. ch. 338 and 339. 

3 Nachworte op. c. S. 70. 


transcription is Tao-sha (^ ^), and the river is 
known as the Sihon and the Syr-daria. On entering China, 
we read in one treatise, it is called CMn-chu (flL 3^), hut 
another account makes Chen-chu to he a river of Tash- 
kend alone. ^ 

A note to our text tells us that the Chinese for Chesh 
kuo was 8hih(_^)-kuo. The fact that the word Tash and 
its equivalent Shih mean a stone or stone has led to some 
rather fanciful writing about this country. Thus Alheruni, 
who makes the philosophic remark that names of countries 
"change rapidly, when, for instance, a foreign nation with 
a different language occupies a country," adds — "Their 
tongues frequently mangle the words, and thus transfer 
them into their own language, as is, e. g. the custom 
of the Greeks. Or they keep the original meaning of 
the names and try a sort of translation, but then they 
undergo certain changes. So the city of ShSsh, which 
has its name from the Turkish language, where it is called 
Tash-kand, i. e.. Stone-city, is called Stone-tower in the 
book YstnYpacpia." 2 The Geography here mentioned is that 
by Ptolemy (about A. D. 150) who teUs of a "stone tower" 
on the road of the caravans between India and Serica: 
but other writers place the tower at the starting point 
of the caravans proceeding to the country of the Seres. 
M. St. Martin considers that this identification of Tash- 
kend with Ptolemy's "Stone tower," the Turris lapidea of 
later geographers, is not "sans beaucoup de probabilite." 
But serious objections have been made to this identification 
and probably it is now abandoned. The Turris lapidea 
as it appears in old maps is far to the south or south-east 
of Tashkend, the district of Old Tashkend. Moreover, 
not to mention any more objections, Tashkend, as has been 
pointed out by others, is always a city or district, never 
a fort or tower.3 M. St. Martin repeats the statement 

» T'ang-shu, ch. 221. 

J Vol. I. p. 298. 

3 See Faquier op. c. p. 24, 


that Tashkend means "stone castle," while D' Bretschneider 
says it means "stone city,"i and gives "stony country" 
as the translation of our Chesh. But there does not 
seem to be anything in the accounts of the city and district 
to justify the use of the epithets "stone" or "stony." The 
land was noted for its fertility and its grain crops made 
it the granary of the country: among its products are 
enumerated cotton, silk, woollen "stuffs and articles of 
leather. In Old Tashkend the dwelling-houses are aU 
made of mud, and the mosques and other stone buildings 
are built of what we may call second-hand stones.* The 
names given to the city and district have a different ex- 
planation, and represent a proper name. This was the 
personal name of one of the nine members of a powerful 
family of the Qe-ti or Yue-chih (^ j^) nation. The head 
of the family, the eldest brother, was chief of the clan the 
members of which were known by their territorial designa- 
tion Shao-wu (BS Ji£), that being the name of their original 
home north of the K'i-lien or Celestial Mountains. When 
conquered by the Hiung-nu (or, as some writers tell us, 
by the Turks), and driven away from their native region, 
they descended to the country between the Ts'ung-Ling 
and the river Oxus, occupying Kang-kil (Samarkand) and 
all the surrounding country. The head of the clan ruled 
in Samarkand and the other chiefs had principalities round 
about the metropolitan State, Shih or Chesh or Tash 
being the personal name of the brother who ruled over 
the district bearing this name. We even find Che-she 
described as Kang-ku or as a part of that country. In 
the e"" and T"" centuries also we find this district called 
the An (^) Country, An being the name of another of 
the Shao-wu brothers, but this did not supplant the other 
name. Thus Shih-kuo and Tashkend denote the country 
or domain of Shih or Tash.^ 

1 Julien III. p. 276: Med. Res. Vol. II. pag. 55 et al. 
J Hellwald's Centralasien S. 341, 351, 397: Baber Intr. p. XL. 
See also Schuyler's Turkistah ch. 3. 

» T'ang-shu 1. c: Sui-shu, ch. 83: Ma T. 1. 1. c. In the Sui-shu 



We now come to a part of the pilgrim's narrative which 
presents some serious difficulties. He relates that — 

"From this (i. e. the Old Tashkend country) to the Fei-han 
country south-east is above 1000 li." This country, which was 
above 4000 li in circuit, was surrounded by mountains on all 
sides: it had a rich productive soil with flowers and fruits in 
great quantity, and it produced sheep and horses: it was windy 
and cold and the people were stout-hearted: in speech they 
differed from other countries, and they were ill-featured. For 
some tens of years the county had been without a sovereign, 
and the local chiefs struggled for superiority: their districts and 
cities were determined by rivers (j||) and natural defences. 

The country which Yuan-chuang here calls Fei-han has 
been identified with Ferghana, corresponding in some 
measure to the present Khanate of Khokand. Ferghana 
became known to the Chinese in the second century B. C. 
by the name Ta-yuan 0^ ^) its capital being Kuei-sJian 
CM UJ)i probably pronounced ^Msan. * Another old name 
for the country was Ku-so (|^ ^) but this is perhaps 
only the name of the capital slightly altered.^ In later 
times we find the country called Po-han (^^ ff ) or (0^ Jf ) 
and ih-han-iia (^ fp jj|5), and P'o-lo-na (^jj ^ ^), and in 
A. D. 744 the Chinese imposed on it the designation Ning- 
yuan ($ jg).' The modern Chinese name is Huo-han 
(9. ^)' ^^ Cantonese Fok-han, which apparently represents 
the word Ferghana.* 

Now the pilgrim does not expressly state that he actually 
visited Fei-han, but some readers of the Records have 
understood him as describing it from personal observation, 
while others regard him as writing from hearsay. There 

and the Wei-shu ch. 102 the surname of the king of this country 
B Shi or stone, but he does not belong to the Shao-wu clan. 

> Shih-chi, ch. 123. In this work Kangkii is placed 2000 li north- 
west from Ta-yuan. Ch'ien Han-shu ch. 96. 

2 Ma T. 1. ch. 338. 

3 T'ang-shu, ch. 221 : T'ang-chien-kang-mu ch. 20, 42, and 43. 
* Ta-oh'ing-i-t'ung-chih, ch. 351: Li-ko-yen-piao, ch. 3. 


are several circumstances in the narrative vrhich seem to 
indicate that he did not visit the country called Ferghana. 
Thus he makes Fei-han to be 1000 li south-east from 
Tashkend, and this is double the distance, given in the 
T'ang-shu and other works, of Ferghana from Tashkend. 
Then he describes his Fei-han as having mountains on all 
sides, but Ferghana was free from mountains on the west 
side. Moreover he represents the country as having been 
for above a score of years in a state of anarchy, an active 
rivalry for chieftainship going on among the various cities. 
But we know from Chinese history that within a few years 
of the pilgrim's visit to this region there was a king of 
Ferghana, that the king was murdered by the West Turks, 
and that he was succeeded on the throne by his son.* 
The royal family belonged to the great Shao-wu clan. 
Thus we are apparently justified in regarding Yuan- 
chuang's account of the country as information derived 
from persons living outside of the district described. 
The narrative proceeds — 

From this (i. e. Fei-han) going west above 1000 li one comes 
(or, the pilgrim came) to the Su-tu-li-se-na country. This he 
describes as being 1400 li in circuit with the She (Jaxartes) 
river on its east. The She river rises in the' north end of the 
Ts'ung-Ling and flows north-west a great muddy rapid stream. 
In natural products and popular ways Su-tu-li-se-na resembled 
Tashkend: there was a king but he was under the Turks. 

The name of the country here transcribed Su-tu-li-se-na 
(* ^ M W- 55) W3,s perhaps a Sanskrit word like Sutushan 
meaning "happy," "easily satisfied", or Sutrishna which 
means "dry," "thirsty." It is apparently the same name 
which is transcribed Su-tvrshih-ni (^ ^ =|| |g), Su-tui- 
sha-na, and Soh-tu-sJia-na. Another name for the district 
was Xa-pu-tan-na (^ ;ip pj_ jJU), and it was called by the 
Chinese the "Tung Ts'ao (^ i^) Country," Ts'ao being 
one of the Shao-wu brothers.^ This is evidently the "Se- 

1 T'ang-shu 1. c. : Ma T. 1. 1. c. 

2 T'ang-shu, 1. c: Ma T. 1. 1. c. 


troushteh" of Ibn Haukal who says the country has no 
nayigable river but has "running streams and fountains 
and meadows and groves" with mines of gold, silver, cop- 
peras, and sal-ammoniac. "It is a mountainous region, 
bounded on the east by part of Ferghana; on the west 
by the borders of Samarkand: on the north by Chaje 
(i. e. Tashkend); on the south it lies near Kish."^ M. 
St. Martin identifies the district with the Osrushna or 
Satrushna of Musulman vmters, the modern Uratupe or 
Uratepe, the Ura-Tube of our maps.2 The identification 
is evidently practically correct, and the distance and 
direction of Ura-Tube agree with the pilgrim's account. 
But the Life, which does not mention Fei-han, makes 
Yuan-chuang go from Tashkend direct to Sutrishan which 
it places 1000 li west from Tashkend. Here there is 
evidently a mistake due apparently to the accidental 
omission of Fei-han. In some Chinese works Sutrishan 
is placed 500 li,^ and in some 400 li* to the west of 
Ferghana and adjacent to Tashkend on the north. 
The narrative in the Records proceeds — 

North-west from the Sutrishan country you enter a great desert 
destitute of water and vegetation, a vast blank -where only by 
following the mountains and observing the skeletons can the 
course be directed. Going above 500 li you reach the Sa-mei- 
han country. 

The Life agrees with this account in representing the 
pilgrim as going north-west from Sutrishan 500 li through 
a great sandy desert to the Sa-mei(or mo)-kan country. 
This is, as has been shown long ago, the Samarkand of 
history. Now it is quite true that there is a great sandy 
desert to the north-west of the Ura-Tube country, but one 
could not reach Samarkand going north-west from that 
country. M. St. Martin does not help us here for he 
carelessly makes the pilgrim put Samarkand to the south 

1 Oriental Geography (tr. Ouseley) ps. 261. 263. 

2 Julien III. p. 278. 

* T'ung-chih-liao 1. o. 

* T'ang-shu, 1. c. 


of Sutrishan or Ura-Tube. His words on this subject 
are — "D'Auratepe ou Asrouohna h Samarkand la distance 
est d'environs 45 lieues au sud-sudouest: Hiouen-thsang 
marque 500 (37 lieues) de Sou-tou-li-se-na h Sa-mo-Men 
en marchant au sud."* In a note to the passage with 
which we are now engaged Julien apparently makes a 
mistake in stating that M. St. Martin would substitute 
south-west for the north- toest of the text. Bretschneider 
quotes this note and declares the change to be unnecessary. 
He, however, gets over the difficulty of the text by cutting 
out the important but puzzling words "going above 500 U 
you come to the 8a-rmi-kan country." A traveller proceed- 
ing to Samarkand from Ura-Tube would perhaps go north- 
west as far as Jizak and then turn south-west, performing 
a journey of about 120 miles. The fact that Yuan-chuang 
does not seem to have known of the springs of bad brackish 
water in the northern part of the desert he describes 
might lead one to think that if he made the journey 
between the two places he skirted the southern side of 
the desert. This inference would be strengthened by the 
mention of mountains and of course by the direction 
mentioned, viz. north-west. 

But taking all circumstances into consideration we must 
rather decide to regard the whole passage beginning 
with— "From this above 1000 li to Feihan," and ending 
with "going above 500 li you come to Sa-mei-kan" to be 
an account obtained from others, and not the result of a 
personal visit. "We should, accordingly, perhaps regard 
the pilgrim as going direct from Tashkend to Samarkand. 
From this point of view our text must be regarded here 
as defective, and the last clause of our passage should 
read — 'From Tashkend going above 500 li south-west he 
came to the Sa-mei-kan country.' The distance seems to 
be too short, but we find that it agrees with accounts 
given in other Chinese works. ^ 

1 Julien III. p. 279. 

2 e. g. in the T'ang-Bhu 1. c. 



The country at which Tuan-chuang now arrived is 
called by him Sa-mo (or mei)-kin (or kan) (^ |^ ^), a 
name which has been taken to represent "Samarkand." 
We may, however, regard the region indicated by the 
term "Samokan country" to be identical with the Samar- 
kand district without holding that the two names are 
identical. According to popular accounts the name Samar- 
kand was derived from an Arabian hero and was not 
given to the city in this district until about A.D. 643. 
In Chinese literature this name does not appear until the 
time of the Mongols. It was introduced by them and it 
was explained as an Arabian word meaning /aw-7itta (^ ^) 
that is, bustling, full of life, thronged} 

A note to our text tells us that the Samokan country 
was called in Chinese K'ang-kuo (^ g) which is the 
K-'ang and K'ang-kii Kuo of the Han and other histories. 
This K'ang-ku territory had been at one time a large region 
embracing the districts since known as Ferghana, Kohistan, 
Tashkend, Samarkand, and other States. 2 But it had 
become split up among several members of the Shao-wu 
clan, and in the beginning of the seventh century A.D. 
the K'ang country was, roughly speaking, that region 
bounded on the north by the Chash (or Tash) kingdom, 
on the east by Kohistan, on the south by Kesh, and on 
the west by Bokhara. 

Up to Yuan-chuang's time K'ang seems to have been 
the only name by which this country was known to the 
Chinese generally. Other names had been introduced into 

« See the Ching-ting-yuan-shih-yu-chie (^ S 7C ^ fo H) eh. 4, but 
Bee also ch. 6. 

2 It was originally, however, a small state kept in restraint by 
the Yue-chih (Getse) on the south and by the Hiung-nu on the east, 
and its inhabitants were nomads. See Shih-chi, ch. 123. Kangkii 
was one of Asoka's outlying Provinces which he proposed to hand 
over to Kunala. 


literature but they could not be said to have been gene- 
rally adopted. One of these new names was Samokan 
(M ^ lit) *^^ s^™® "^^^^ that used by Yuan-chuang, and 
another was Si-wan (or man)-Mn (^ ^ jf ), neither of 
which seems to be explained.! After Yuan-chuang's time 
we find other names such as Sin-ssu-kan (^ ,@L ^), and 
Sie-mi-ssu-kan (^ ^ Jg ^), and these are said to stand 
for the Turkish Semez-kand meaning "Fat land." 2 Siman 
is another form of the word for fat and the Simankin 
mentioned aboye may also mean Fat-Land. But Sie-mi- 
ssii-kan is also interpreted as meaning Sun-Land from 
Sams one of the names for the Sun in Arabic. This last 
term is also given by some writers as a designation for 
Tashkend rather than for Samarkand. The interpretation 
already mentioned as given for the name Samarkand ap- 
parently takes the Sanskrit form Samara-kanda as the 
correct one. The word Samara means a concourse, a 
flocking together, and Yuan-chuang's Samokan may be for 
another Sanskrit word with a similar meaning viz. Sama- 
An old name for the capital of this country is Su-hie 
U W)' *^** ^^> Su-hak or Sugat, supposed by some to be 
x)r the Sogd of old writers. 3 It is at least dohbtful, 
however, whether this was the city which afterwards became 
known as Samarkand. In other. Chinese writers Suhak 
was only one of the royal cities of this country.* With 
these the capital has other names such as Aluti (P^ ||^ j^) 
and Pi-t'an (f ^) in the Eavani land (|* ^ |g f|).5 

Our author describes the country of Samarkand as being 
1600 or 1700 li in circuit, greater in extent from east to west 

• T'ang-shub, ch. 221: T'ung-chien-kang-mu cA. 39 (T'ang T'ai 
Tsung 5th y.) where the commentator gives Si-fang{jj)-kin as the 
name for Si-wan-kin. 

2 See Med. Kes. Vol. I. p. 76 note, p. 77, 131 and Vol. II. p. 58, 
256. See also Schuyler's Turkistan Vol. I. p. 236. 

3 Ch'in-Shu, ch. 97: Sui-shu, ch. 83. Hirth, Nachworte op. c. S. 85. 
Su-hie is also given as a city of the Tashkend country. 

* Ma T. 1. ch. 338. 

5 Ch'ien Han-Shu eh. 96: T'ung-ch'ien-kanff-mu, ch. 4. 



than from north to south. Its capital was above 20 li in circuit, 
exceedingly strong and with a large population. The country 
was a great commercial entrepot, was very fertile, abounding 
in trees and flowers, and yielding many fine horses. Its in- 
habitants were skillful craftsmen, smart and energetic. All the 
Hu (J^) States regarded this country as their centre and made 
its social institutions their model. The king was a man of spirit 
and courage and was obeyed by the neighbouring states. He 
had a splendid army the most of his soldiers being Chei-kie 
(Chak or Tak |^ |f^) men. These were men of ardent valour, 
who looked on death as a going back to their kindred, and 
against whom no foe could stand in combat. 

The term Che-ka of this passage is evidently a foreign 
word and it is interpreted in other books as meaning 
Chan-shi (|| j;), "soldier" or "warrior."^ But another 
supposition is that it stands for Chalak, the name of a 
town to the north-west of the city of Samarkand. The 
district in which Chalak lay was at this time famed for 
its tall strong men who were much sought after as soldiers. 
The characters read Che-ka, however, seem rather to stand 
for a word like Takka, the name of a country. 

The Life represents the people of Samokan as being 
Fire-worshippers. Other accounts describe them as being 
Buddhists in the sixth and seventh centuries although 
they worshipped also the gods of other religions and their 
own ancestors. They probably were not all Fire-worshippers, 
but they were evidently haters and persecutors of Buddhism 
at the time of Yuan-chuang's visit. There were two mo- 
nasteries in the capital and when the young Brethren of 
Yuan-chuang's party went to perform their religious ser- 
vices in one of these the people drove them out and burned 
the monastery. The king, however, punished the evil-doers 
and heard the pilgrim expound Buddhism and extol Buddha, 
and even allowed him to hold a religious public service 
for the ordination of Brethren to serve in the monasteries. 

This king was the head of the Shao-wu clan and the 
name of the particular branch to which he belonged was 

1 T'ang-Shu, 1. c. Here the word is written ^ 'j^. 


Wgn (f^).i The Western Turks had at this time gained 
the ascendancy in these regions and had become all- 
powerful. Policy and ambition made this king wed a 
daughter of the Turkish royal family and the result was 
that the Samokan (K'ang) country became a vassal to the 
"West Turks. In the year A.D. 631 the king sent an 
embassy to China praying to be received as a vassal, but 
the Chinese Emperor for wise and patriotic reasons de- 
clined to accede to the request.^ 

The words here rendered "looked on death as going 
back to their kindred" are Shih-szu-^u-Jcuei (jjig Jg ^ |f ). 
The expression means that the Che-Tca men regarded death 
as a natural event, as a return to the state from which 
they had come. It is a literary phrase and is sometimes 
varied by the addition of cliung C^), "the end." 

Before continuing the narrative of his journey towards 
India our pilgrim proceeds to give short accounts of 
several countries in the region around Samokan and con- 
nected with that country. His information about these 
districts was probably obtained from living authorities 
during his stay at the capital of Samokan (or Samarkand). 
Commencing with the first country in a southerly direction 
he tells us that 

"South-east from Samarkand you go to the Mi-mo-ha (55 ^ S) 
country." This country, -which was situated in the mountains, 
■was 400 or 500 'li in circuit, long from north to south and narrow 
from east to west. In the products of the land and the ways 
of the people it resembled Samokan. 

The Life does not mention this place and Yuan-chuang, 
it vdll be seen, does not tell us how far it was from 
Samokan. In other Chinese books its situation is described 
as being 100 li to the south or south-east of Samarkand, 
600 li from Ura-Tube on the north-west (a mistake for 
north-east) and 200 li from Kesh on the south-west, or 
according to one authority 400 li from Kesh on the south. 3 

J Wei-Shu, ch. 102. 

2 T'ung-chien-kang-mu, ch. 39: T'ang Shu 1. c. 

3 T'ang-shu, 1. c: T'ung-chih-liao, 1. c: Ma T. 1. L c. 


A note to our text tells us that the Chinese name for 
Mimoho was Mi(^)-Jmo, Mi's country, Mi being another 
scion of the Shao-wu clan. Its foreign name also is given 
elsewhere as Mi-mo (Jg ^) and it probably was some- 
thing like Maimak or Memagh. From other sources we 
learn that the capital, the name of which was Po-si-te 
(i$ ,% f^)' ^^^ about two li in circuit and was on the 
west side of the Na-mi (^ ^) River. This country which 
was formerly a part of the great K'ang kingdom fell into 
the hands of the West Turks while Yuan-chuang was on 
his pilgrimage. 1 

M. Saint-Martin identifies Mimoho with Moughian or 
Maghin, "S, 38 lieues de Samarkand vers I'est en inclinant 
au sud." 2 This town, the Maghian of our maps, is much 
too far from Samarkand if we accept the statement that 
Mimo was 100 li or about twenty miles from that place. 
Maghian is about sixty miles south-east from the site of 
old Samarkand which was a little to the north and north- 
west of the present city. 

The narrative in the Records continues — 

From this [going] north you arrive at the Kie {Ki or KaYpu- 
tan-na (^ ;f^ HH jJJJ) country. 

A note to the text tells us that the Chinese name for 
this country was Ts'aoC^ykuo, kingdom of Ts'ao, who was 
another brother of the Shao-wu family. This information, 
however, is unsatisfactory as there were at this time in 
this region four Ts'ao kingdoms, known as East, Middle, 
West Ts'ao and Ts'ao simply. Of these the first cor-, 
responded to the Sutrishan or Ura-Tube district, which, 
as has been seen, was also called Kaputana. The Ts'ao 
of the note was apparently understood to include the 
Middle and West Ts'ao. 

When the narrative states that "north from this" you 
go to Kaputana the word this is apparently to be taken 
as meaning Samokan. In the Fang-chih the direction is 

1 Tung-ohien-kang-mu ch. 40 (T'ang T'ai Tsung, 16* y.) 

2 Julien III. p. 280. 


given as North-west and ttiis is perhaps right. M. Saint- 
Martin takes the words "from this" to refer to Mi-mo or 
Maghian, and supposes the Kaputana country to be a city 
"Kebond" about the situation of which nothing is known.^ 
But it is better to understand our author as taking Sa- 
markand as the point of departure; and the Kaputana 
country is then probably represented by the present Mitan 
and the surrounding district. The Ts'ao country, we are 
told, was to the north-west of Kang-kii and Middle Ts'ao 
to its north. Mitan is about thirty miles north-west, from 
the modern Samarkand and in the district which includes 
Chalak once famous for its good soldiers. 
Our author continues his account — 
Going west from this country for above 300 K you come to the 
K'u-shuang-nirka OTKit-san-ni-ka ()| ^ fl); ^) country. 

In other treatises we find this name written Kuei-sang- 
ni (^ ^ g) read Kusannik.2 The Chinese name, we are 
told in a note to our text was Ho{^)-kuo, the: kingdom 
of Ho, another scion of the Shao-wu clan. The great 
Buddhist monk named Sangha, who came to China in 
A.D. 660, declared himself to be a native of this country, 
and claimed to be a member of the Ho family.3 

M. Saint Martin supposes the Kusannik of our author 
to be the "Koschanieh or Kochania" halfway between 
Samarkand and Bokhara. The Life, which has omitted 
all mention of Mimoha and Kaputana makes Kusannik to 
be above 300 li west from Samokan. This, I think, is 
also the meaning of the passage in our text; and about 
60 miles west of Samokan, or north-west from Samarkand, 
would bring us to the neighbourhood of the modem Panj- 
shamba district. 

Our text proceeds — 

From this country, that is apparently, Kusannik it is above 
200 li to the Hoh-han (Pg %) country. 

1 Julien III. p. 281. 

2 Ma T. 1. ch. 338: T'ang-shu, ch. 221. 

3 Sung-kao-seng-chuan, ch. 18. 


The note to the text tells us that the Chinese name 
for this country was Tung-An(y^ ^)-kuo or "East-An 
kingdom." An, as we have seen, was the name of one 
of the Shao-wu brothers, and this chief evidently had a 
large principality. Soh-han was only a part and was 
called the "Small country." It was south of the Normi 
river, and its capital had the same name also written 
Hoh-han (p^ ff) and probably pronounced like Khakan 
or Khagan.^ M. Saint-Martin identifies this district with 
that of the modern Kermineh or Kerminah, and he is 
probably nearly correct. 

West from Hoh-han 400. K was the Pu-hoh (^ 1%) country. 

This country which, a note to our text tells us, was 
called by the Chinese the "Middle An kingdom," is. placed 
by the T'ang-Shu 100 li to the south-west of Hoh-han. 
It is the country which is called Niic-mi ('^ ^) in some 
books, and it is also called the An and the Great An 
kingdom. For the Pti-Jioh of our text we find Pu-huoh 
(^ Wf) ^"^^ these two probably represent an original like 
Bokh or Bokhar.^ M. Saint-Martin and D"^ Bretschneider 
identify the country with the modem Bokhara, ^ and they 
are doubtless right: but the Bokh of our pilgrim was ap- 
parently to the north of the present city and district of 

Our author continues — 
From this country (i. e. Bskh) west above 400 li is the Fah-ti 
(fS J^) country. 

This is the reading of the A, B, and D texts, but in- 
stead of Fa-ti the C text has Su{^^)-ti in on place and 
Wu (or Mu }^)-ti in another. Then the Life, which also 
reads Fah-ti, reduces the distance from Bokh from 400 
to 100 li. The usual note to the text tells us that the 
Chinese name for the country was "Hsi-an-kuo" or "West 
An kingdom." In the T'ang-Shu we find the above Wu 

1 Ma T. 1. 1. c: T'ang-Shu, 1. c. 

2 Ma T. ]. 1. c: T'ang-Shu, 1. c. 

3 JuUen III. p. 282; Med. Kes. Vol. II. p. 62. 


(or Mu)-ti given as the name of one of the nine Shao-wu 
chiefs; and it also mentions a Su-ti district in this region.* 
Taking Fah-ti as the reading we may regard this trans- 
cription as possibly representing a name like Paftei. St. 
Martin finds the modern representative of Pah-ti in Betik, 
"lieu situe sur la droite de I'Oxus, h une trentaine de 
lieues au sud-ouest de Boukhara." But we should probably 
regard the Fa-ti of our text as having had a situation in 
the neighbourhood of the present Darganata district on 
the west side of the Oxus. This Fa-ti (or Su-ti) is per- 
haps the principality designated Niao-na-ga or Wu-na-ga 
(A °^' .ft W^ jS) ^liich was to the west of the Oxus about 
400 li South-west from the An country. ^ 
The narrative proceeds — 
From this, that is, Fah-ti it is over 500 li south-west to the 
Huo-li-si-mi-ka (^ ^J *§ 5S fllp) country. This lay along the 
banks of the Oxus being 20 or 30 li east to west and above 
500 li north to south. 

M. Saint Martin substitutes north-west for the south-west 
of this passage, and he i^ doubtless right. ^ All the texts, 
however, have south-west and the Life has west, but the 
T'ang-Shu places this country 600 li to the north-west of 
Su-ti (Fa-ti). In the B, C, and D texts there is a Chinese 
note to the text which contains only the words for "in 
Chinese," but A supplies the name which had dropped 
out. This is Huo-sin{>X. ^)-^mo, this kingdom oi Huo-sin 
(or sun), one of the princes of the Shao-wu family. The 
country here called Huo-li-si-mi-ka or Khorismika(?) has 
been identified with the modern Khanate of Khiva cor- 
responding to the Kharesm or Khorazm of ancient authors.* 
In the T'ang-Shu Huo-li-si-mi and Kuo-li (j^ fj) are 
given as synonyms for Huo-sin, and the country is described 
as being south of the Oxus and as having bullock-waggons 

1 T'ang-Shu 1. c. 

2 Ma T. 1. 1. c: T'ung-chih-liao, 1. c. In the Sui-Shu 1. c. Wu- 
na-ka (or-ga) is one of the Shao-wu princes. 

3 Julien III. p. 283. 

4 Med. Res. n. p. 91. 



which were used by travelling merchants.^ In some of 
the lists of the Shao-wu princes the name Huo-sin does 
not occur. 


The pilgrim now resumes the narrative of his journey. 
He relates that 

from the Samokan country he went south-west above 300 li to 
the Ka-shiMng-na or Kasanna (p§ ^ j5|5) country. This was 
1400 or IBOO li in circuit and it resembled Samarkand in its 
natural products and the ways and customs of the people. 

All texts and the Fang-chih seem to agree in the read- 
ing "from Samokan," but the Life makes the pilgrim 
proceed from Kharesm. This, however, is undoubtedly 
wrong and quite impossible. In the Chinese note to our 
text we are told that the Chinese name for this country 
was Shih{^-'kuo, the kingdom of Shih, another of the 
nine Shao-wu chiefs. From other sources we learn that 
the country was called also K'a-sha {\^ ^) and K^e-shih 
(^ ;5)2 which are perhaps only different forms of a name 
like Kesh. This is perpetuated in the modern name of 
the district, Kesh, derived directly perhaps from the name 
of the city Ki-shih (^ ^) which was built in the 7*^ cen- 
tury. The capital, corresponding to the present Shahr-i- 
sebs or Shehr, lay about ten li south of the Tu-mo (^^ '%') 
River.3 This is probably the present Kashka-daria "on 
which the city is founded." Kesh was formerly a depen- 
dency of Kangkii which lay 240 li to the north of it. 


Our pilgrim's narrative proceeds — 

From Kesh he proceeded aouth-west above 200 li and entered 
a range of mountains. Here his path was a narrow risky track; 
there were no inhabitants and little grass or water. Travelling 

1 T'ang-Shu, 1. c. 

2 T'ang-Shu, 1. c. 

3 Med. Res. Vol. II. p. 273. 


among the hills in a south-east direction for above 300 li he 
entered the Iron Pass (ht. Iron Gate). Along this Iron Pass on 
either side is a very high precipitous mountain. Although there 
is a narrow path in it this is still more inaccessible. The rocks 
■which rise up on both sides are of an iron colour; when the 
gates were set up they were also strengthened with iron, and 
numerous small iron bells were suspended on them. The name 
it bears was given to the Pass on account of its impregnable 

Yuan-chuang apparently went from Kesh to the neigh- 
bourhood of the place now called Ghuzar Fort, and then 
turning south-east followed the Ghuzar river until he 
reached the Iron Pass. But the Life does not make any 
mention of the change of direction from south-west to 
south-east. The words for "Although there is a narrow 
path" are in all my texts Sui-yu-hsia-ching (g| y^ 3^ @), 
but Julien's text seems to have had instead of sui the 
word li (f I). So his translation of the clause which seems 
to give better sense is — "Elles (i. e. the "deux montagnes 
paralleles") ne sont separees que par un sentier qui est 
fort etroit, et, en outre, herisse de precipices." But one 
does not see how there could be "precipices," and sui is 
the correct reading. 

In D' Bretschneider's learned treatise, to which reference 
is so often made in these pages, the reader will find much 
information about the Iron Pass (or Gate).* It is the 
Buzgola-Khana or Goat-house of the Hindus and it is 
known by other names. According to some its width 
varies from 40 to 60 feet and it is about two miles in 
length: a stream, flows through it and it contains a village. 
The Life represents the actual gate as being made of the 
raw iron of the mountains plated with iron and furnished 
with iron bells, and hence, according to it, came the name 
of the pass or rather Gate. But the pilgrim used mdn 
in the sense of Pass or Passage and he understood this 

» Op. c. I. p. 82 and II. p. 274. See also Reclua, Geog. T. VI. 
p. 502. Eemusat, Nouv. Mel. As. T. 1. p. 238; Sui-Shu ch. 83; 
T'ang-Shu ]. c; Hirth's Nachworte op. c. p. 84 ff. 


to have the epithet Iron because it was strong and im- 
pregnable. Later travellers relate that the Pass was 
guarded by a barrier (or barriers) of the iron-stone of 
the place clamped or faced with iron. But no one after 
Yuan-chuang's time seems to have seen an actual gate 
hung with bells, and we read only of a tradition that there 
had once been a great gate. This Pass once checked the 
Tu-kue or Turks in their western advances, and kept them 
and Tokharans apart; and it became famous in the time 
of the Mongol conquests. In Chinese works of the T'ang 
and later periods it is often called the T'ie-min-kuan or 
"Pass of the Iron Grate." It is thus described by a recent 
writer — "The famous fa vine of the Iron Gate winds through 
a high mountain chain, about twelve versts to the west of 
Derbent. It is a narrow cleft, 5 to 36 paces wide and 
about two versts long. It is known now as Buzghala 
Khana (i. e. the house of Goats). Its eastern termination 
is 3540 feet above the sea; its western termination 3740 feet. 
A torrent, Buzghala Khana bulak flows, through it."^ 


Our narrative proceeds to describe that 

going out of the Iron Pass you reach the Tu-huo-lo country. 
This was ahove 1000 li north to south and 3000 li east to west; 
it reached on the east to the Ts'ung-Ling, on the west to Persia, 
on the south to the Great Snow Mountains (the Hindu-Kush) 
and on the north to the Iron Pass ; the river Oxus flowed 
through the middle of it from east to west ; for several cen- 
turies the succession to the sovereignty had been interrupted 
and the country was divided into 27 States with separate chiefs 
and all subject to the Turks, "When the climate becomes warm 
there is much sickness, and at the end of winter and beginning 
of spring there is constant rain (in 0. "a succession of hoarfrost 
and rain") ; hence in all the countries south of this to Lan-p'o 
much heat-sickness is a natural characteristic ; hence the Buddhist 
Brethren go into B,etreat of the Rainy season on the 16tii day 
of the 12tii month and go out on the IS'ii day of the Srd month ; 
this is because there is much rain then, thus making their 

1 Tarikh-i-Eashid by Blias and Ross p. 20. 

tokhAea. 103 

religious precepts conform to the seasons." The people were 
pusillanimous and ill-favoured, but they were in a manner 
reliable and were not given to deceitful ways. They had a 
peculiar spoken language and an alphabet of 25 letters, their 
writing was horizontal from left to right, and their records had 
gradually increased until they exceeded those of Su-li in number. 
They had for clothing more calico (tieh) than serge; their cur- 
rency consisted of gold, silver, and other coins which were 
different from those of other countries. 

The Tu-huo-lo (^ ^ ^) of this passage is undoubtedly 
the.Tokhara of old western geographers. In the Chinese 
note to the text we are told that an old and incorrect 
name was T'u-huo-lo {\i± jjt jg), which is the transcription 
used in the Sui-Shu. There are also other transcriptions 
of the name such as the Tu-hu-lo (pf Pf ^) of early 
writers, but the differences are not important. In certain 
Chinese translations of Buddhist treatises the name is 
giyen T-u-Jca-le (^ \^ (or P^) ||) or Tukhar.* The Sanskrit 
name is Tukhara another form of which is Tushara. This 
word has the meanings of frost, snow, and mist or vapour. 

The extent and boundaries of the country named 
Tokhara found in other works differ considerably from 
those given by our pilgrim.2 It was supposed to cor- 
respond partly to the great Ta-Hsia of early Chinese 
records, 3 and portions of the present Bokhara and Ba- 
dakshan seem to have been once included under this name. 
Saint Martin and Yule* are positive in asserting that 
Yuan-chuang's Tokhara was the country of the Yetha, 
but this is against Chinese authority. In the Wei-Shu 
and Sui-Shu, for example, we have distinct accounts of 
Tokhara and of the Yetha, and the people of the former 
are referred to the Small Yue-ti, while the Yetha are 
said to have been of the original Yue-ti stock. The Yetha 

1 Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch. 25 (No. 1169) ; Vibhasha-lun, ch. 9 (No. 1279 
tr. A.D. 383). 

2 Ma T. 1. ch. 389. 

3 T'ang-Shu, ch. 221 ; T'ung-chien-kang-mu, ch. 40 (T'ang T'ai 
Tsung 16tii year).. 

1 Julien III. p. 285; J. R. A. S. Vol. VI. p. 94. 


and Tokharians lived together; but the former were nomads, 
while the latter were dwellers in towns. 

The part of the passage within inverted commas reads 
in Julien's version thus — "La temperature etant con- 
stamment ti^de, les epidemics y sont tres frequentes. A 
la fin de I'hiver et au commencement du printemps, il 
tombe des pluies continuelles. C'est pourquoi au sud de 
ce pays, et au nord de Lan-po, il regno beaucoup d'epi- 
demies. De la vient que tons les religieux entrent dans 
les demeures fixes le seizieme jour du douzieme mois, et 
en sortent le quinzieme jour du troisieme. Cet usage- est 
fonde sur I'abondance des pluies. Les instructions qu'on 
leur donne sont subordonnees aux saisons."* Now the text 
does not seem to assert that the temperature of this large 
region was constamment tihde, and that consequently epi- 
demics were frequent. Such a statement, moreover, would 
be at variance with other passages in this chuan such as 
the descriptions of Kie-chih and Bamian. It is true, 
however, that Ma Tuan-lin, on the authority of others, 
represents the Tokhara country as having a hot climate; 
but that was evidently only in the summer, for the in- 
habitants were able to store ice for lise during the hot 
weather. What our author apparently wanted his readers 
to understand was that the climate became warm or mild 
in early spring when the rainy season began: this change 
in the temperature produced much illness which was called 
"Heat (or Spring) sickness." In all my texts the reading 
here is wen-chi (f^ •^), but Julien's text may have had 
wSn(f^)-chi, and this is rightly translated in his note 
"maladies epidemiques." Because the early spring was 
the rainy season of these countries the Buddhist Brethren 
in them made that their time of Retreat from the Rain. 

1 The text of the passage is- ^ ^ |E S M ^ (in B Hi) jfl; 


In India the rainy season was in the summer, and this 
was the time of year in which Retreat was to be observed 
according to the Vinaya. By changing the time of Retreat 
these Brethren departed from the letter but conformed to 
the spirit of their regulations. 

For a long time the name Tokhara seems to have 
practically gone out of use, and the country which once 
bore the name is now to "some degree represented by 
Badaksban.^ Even in our pilgrim's time it was properly 
not the name of a country but of a great tribe or people 
occupying a certain large territory. 

Proceeding with his description of the region the pilgrim 
tells us that 

following the course of the Oxus down northwards you come 
to Ta-mi (Termed or Termez).^ This country was above 600 li 
long (from east to west) and 400 H broad (from north to south), 
and its capital was above 20 li in circuit longer than broad. 
There were above ten monasteries with more than 1000 Brethren : 
its tupes and images of Buddha were very remarkable and ex- 
hibited miracles. 

To the east of Ta-mi was the CMh-ga-yen-na country, above 
400 li long by 500 li wide, its capital being aboye ten li in 
circuit. It had five monasteries but the Buddhist Brethren were 
very few. 

To the east of it was the Hu-lu-mo country, above 100 li 
long and 300 broad with a capital above ten {{ in circuit. Its 
king was a Hi-su Turk: it had two monasteries and above 
100 Buddhist Brethren. 

To the east of it was Su-man which was above 400 li long 
by 100 li broad, its capital being 16 or 17 li in circuit ; its king 
was a Hi-su Turk ; there were two monasteries and very few 
Buddhist Brethren. 

To the south-west and on the Oxus was Ku-ho-ffen-n&. This 
country was above 200 li long and 300 li wide, its capital being 
above ten li in circuit. It had three monasteries and above 
100 Buddhist Brethren. 

To the east was nuo-sJia, a country above 300 li long by 
500 li wide, its capital being 16 or 17 li in circuit. 

On its east was the Ko-tu-lo country above 1000 li long and 

< See Med. Ees. Vol. II. p. 99. 

2 For the various States here mentioned and briefly described by 
the pUgrim see Yule in J. R. A. S. Vol. VI. Art. V. 


the same in width, its capital being 20 li in circuit. It reached 
on the east to the Kvrmi-t& country in the Ts'ung-Ling. 

The Ku-miM country was above 2000 li long and 200 li 
wide ; it was in the Ts'ung-Ling mountains ; its capital was above 
20 li in circuit: on the south-east it was near the Oxus and on 
the south it adjoined the Shih-k'i-ni country. 

To the south across the Oxus were the countries called Ta- 
mo-si-fie-ti, Po-to-chuang-na, Yin-po-kan, Kit-lang-na, Hi-mo- 
ta-la, Po-li-ho, Ki-li-si-mo, Ko-lo-hu, A-li-ni, Meng-ltan. South- 
east from the Muo (Kunduz) country were the K'uo-si-to, and 
An-ta-lo-fo countries, the circumstances about these being related 
in the account of the return journey.* South-west from Huo 
was the Fo-Tca-lang country which was above 60 li long and 
200 li broad, its capital being above ten li in circuit. South of 
it was the Ki-lu-si-min-hm country which was above 1000 li in 
circuit, its capital being 14 or 15 li in circuit. To the north- 
west of it was the Bu-lin country which was 800 li in circuit 
with its capital five or six in circuit. I* had above ten monasteries 
with more than BOO Buddhist Brethren. 

In the Life we are merely told that the pilgrim travelled 
some hundreds of li from Tokhara, crossed the Oxus and 
came to the Huo country (Kunduz). This was the resi- 
dence of Ta-tu (pH ]J) the 8M (^) or General in com- 
mand, the eldest son of the She-hu Khan and a brother- 
in-law of the king of Kao-ch'ang.^ This king had given 

i See Chuan Xn : eh. XVIII. 

2 The whole of this paragraph is taken from the Life, ch. II. Julien 
I. p. 62 f. In this passage the word Ta-tu is apparently treated as a 
personal name but it was rather a generic name qualifying a title. 
It is found with a slight variation of transcription prefixed as here 
to She, and also to Khan. We must regard it as a foreign word, 
but we may hesitate to accept its identification with Tardush or 
Tardu. This latter term is generally used to designate a Turkish 
tribe or horde, but it also occurs in an inscription as the name of 
a Kirghiz envoy. The Ta-tu of our passage cannot be regarded as 
having a tribal significance, and here as in other places it seems to 
qualify the title to which it is prefixed. See T'ung-chien-kang-mu, 
ch. 40 (T'ang T'ai Tsung 15ti» y.) ; Thomsen's Inscriptions de I'Orkhon 
p». 63, 114, 146; Hirth Nachworte S. 130 f. 

The She of this passage is of frequent occurrence in Chinese 
history treating of the Turks. It is explained as meaning soldier or 
General, but the title is always applied to a very high military 
officer usually a near relative of the Khan. This ShS is regarded 


a letter of introduction, but when Yuan-chuang arrived 
the Kao-ch'ang princess was dead and the General was 
ill, and hearing of the pilgrim's arrival vrith a letter he 
with his male and female retinue made uncontrollable 
lamentation. He invited the pilgrim to rest for a time, 
promising that if he recovered he would accompany thp 
pilgrim to India. The General recovered by the help of 
the exorcisms of an Indian Buddhist monk, but he was 
poisoned by a young queen at the instigation of a step- 
son.' Then this stepson T'ek'in, the son by the Kao-ch'ang 
princess being a child, usurped the position of General 
and married his step-mother (the young wife whom he had 
induced to murder her husband and his father). On account 
of the funeral services for the General the pilgrim was 
detained here more than a month. In this time he made 
the acquaintance of a great Buddhist monk named Dhar- 
masangha who had a very high reputation as a profound 
scholar in Buddhism. But Yuan-chuang found him to be 
only superficially acquainted with the Hinayanist books, 
and he knew nothing of Mahayanism. When the pilgrim 
was ready to continue his journey he asked the new 
General for escort and post accommodation 2 on the way 
southwards towards India. The General strongly recom- 

as a transcription of an old Turkish word Shad. Thomsen, Inscriptions, 
p. 146; Hirth, Naohworte S. 45. 

1 According to the text the She or Military governor after his 
marriage with the Kaochang princess had taken a new Khatun or 
queen. This young concubine urged on by the son of a senior queen 
poisoned her lord, and thereupon the young prince took his father's 
place to the concubine and people. He is here called T'S-kin (^ tU) 
as if this were his personal name. But T'S-kin is said to be for the 
Turkish word Tagin (or Tegin) meaning Frince, and it is of frequent 
occurrence as a high title. See Schlegel's Stele funeraire p. 6 ; 
Thomsen's Inscriptions p. 73. 

2 For "post accommodation" here the original is Wu-lo {%^ ^). 
This is a word common to the Mongols and Turks and is known as 
lUa or ulak. It denotes the contributions of service imposed on 
subjects by government, and includes the supply of men and horses 
and accommodation for officials when travelling on duty. 


mended Mm to visit the Fo-ho-lo country, which belonged 
to his horde, and had interesting sacred sites. This adrice 
was urged also by certain Brethren from that country 
who had come to Huo in connection with the change of 
administration, and Y^uan-chuang acted on the advice, and 
joined these Brethren on their return. 

Most of the countries here described as lying between 
the Iron Pass and Bamian are mentioned again in the 
account of the return journey, and it is not necessary to 
refer to them further at present. 


The narrative in the Eecords proceeds to relate that 

'West (i. e. from Mu-liri) you reach Fo-ho. This country was 
above 800 li from east to west and 400 li north to south, reach- 
ing on the north to the Oxus. The capital, which all called 
"Little Bajagriha city," was above twenty li in circuit, but though 
it was strong it was thinly peopled. In natural products the 
district was rich and the land and water flowers were too many 
to enumerate. There were above 100 Buddhist monasteries with 
more than 3000 Brethren all adherents of the "Small Vehicle' 
system. __^__^ 

Outside the capital oh the south-west side was the Na-fo 
(Nava)-Sangharama or New Monastery built by a former king 
of the country. This was the only Buddhist establishment north 
of the Hindu-Kush in which there was a constant succession of 
Masters . who were commentators on the canon. The image of 
the Buddha in this monastery was artistically made of (accord- 
ing to one reading, studded with) noted precious substances, and 
its halls were adorned with costly rarities, hence it was plundered 
for gain by the chiefs of the various states. In the monastery 
was an image of Vaisravana deva which had bona fide miracles 
and in mysterious ways protected the establishment. The pilgrim 
tells how not long before the time of his visit this deva had 
frustrated an armed attempt of the Turkish She-hu or governor 
name SsU, the son of a governor, to • invade and plunder the 

In the South Buddha-Hall of this establishment were Buddha's 
washing-basin about one tou in capacity : so bright and dazzling 
was the blending of colours in this basin that one could not 
well tell whether it was of stone or metal. There was also a 
tooth of the Buddha an inch long and 7io"" of an inch broad, 

BALKH. 109 

and there was his broom made of kdia grass above two feet 
long and about seven inches round, the handle being set with 
pearls. On the six festival days these relics were exhibited to 
the assembled lay and clerical worshippers. On such occasions 
the relics moved by the "thorough sincerity" of a worshipper 
may emit a brilliant light. 

To the north of the New Monastery was a tope above 200 feet 
high which was plastered with diamond- cement. This tope was 
also ornamented with various precious substances, and it con- 
tained relics which sometimes shone with supernatural light. 

South-west from the New Monastery was a ching-lu (^ ^) 
or Buddhist temple. This bad been built long ago, and had 
been the resort of Brethren of high spiritual attainments from 
all quarters. It had been found impossible to keep a record of 
those who here realized the Four Fruits (that is, became arhats). 
So topes were erected for those arhats who when about to die 
made a public exhibition of their miraculous powers ; the bases 
of these topes were very close together and were some hundreds 
odd in number. But no memorial erection was made in the case 
of those Brethren, about 1000 in number, who although arhats 
had died without exhibiting miracles. In this establishment 
were above 100 Brethren, who were "day and night assiduous at 
their duties," and one could not tell which was common monk 
and which was arhat. 

The Fo-ho (U P^) of this passage has been identified 
with the city and district of Balkh and the identification 
is probably quite correct. But we cannot properly regard 
the Chinese word as a transcription of the word Balkh, 
or of its variant Pahl, or of Vahllka the name in the 
Brihat-samhita and supposed to be the original form.^ In 
the Life the name is given as Fo-ho-lo and I-ching writes 
it Fo-ko-lo.^ These transcriptions seem to require an 
original like Bokhar or Bokhara, the name of the country 
which included Balkh. The Fo-ho or Balkh of our pilgrim 
was evidently not very far west or north-west from Hue 
(Kunduz) and it was under the same Turkish governor 
with that State. The pilgrim, the Life tells us, beheld 
Balkh as a. "Better Land", with its cities and their sur- 

1 Julien III. p. 289 : Alberuni Vol. I. p. 300 : Fleet Ind. Ant. 
Vol. XXII. p. 192. 

2 Hsi-yu-ch'iu, ch, 1 and Chavannes Memoires p°. 23, 48. 


roundings in bold relief, and its vales and country districts 
rich and fertile. The description which he gives of the 
capital and the surrounding district agrees with the ac- 
counts of later travellers.* 

The Nava-sanghdrdma or New Monastery of this passage 
is the Nava-vihara and Hsin-ssu. (with the same meaning) 
of I-ching, who also represents the establishment as being 
occupied by Brethren of the Hinayana system. 2 In the 
Life the Buddha's washing basin in this monastery is of 
a capacity of two tou, and another account makes it to 
have held only a sheng. The tou of the T'ang period 
was a little more than nine' quarts, and the sheng was 
only about a pint. The basin and the tooth and the 
broom were exhibited to the worshippers on the sacred 
days. On these occasions the "thorough sincerity," the 
full-hearted earnestness of devotees sometimes had power 
to move the relics to shed a brilliant light. For "thorough 
sincerity" the term in the text is Chih-ch'eng (|g g^) a 
classical expression derived from the "Chung-yung." ^ The 
Confucianist believed that this "thorough sincerity" enabled 
its possessor to have a subtle influence over external 
nature. But to the pilgrim, a Confucianist converted to 
Buddhism, its power in a believing worshipper extended 
to the mysterious powers associated with the sacred objects 
of his adopted religion. This New Monastery, Yuan- 
chuang tells us, was under the protection of VaiSravana- 
deva who kept guard over the establishment. It was to 
this deva that Indra on the death of the Buddha entrusted 
the defence of Buddhism in the northern regions, and it 
was in this capacity that he had charge of the monastery. 
Here at the time of Yuan-chuang's visit was a very genial 
learned Brother from the Che-ka country from whom our 
pilgrim received much kindness and assistance in his 

1 Cf. Q. Curtius B. VII. ch. 18; Burnes' Travels into Bokhara 
ch. VIII. 

2 Hsi-yii-ch'iu, 1. c. 

3 Ch. 22. 


studies. With this Brother, named PrajnSkara, Tuan-chuang 
read- certain Abhidharma treatises and also the Vibhasha- 
^astra. There were also in the monastery at the time 
two learned and esteemed Doctors in Buddhism who 
treated the Chinese pilgrim with great courtesy. 

The term which the Records and the Life use for the 
Buddhist establishment to the south-west of the New 
Monastery is, it will be observed, Ching-lu. This phrase 
means "the cottage of the essential," and it is perhaps a 
synonym of Ching-she, an old and common term with a 
similar meaning. Our pilgrim may have taken it over 
from a previous writer who used it in the sense of Vihara, 
as Julien translates it here. It is to be observed that 
the Life does not know anything of the invidious distinction 
in the treatment given to the relics of the arhats of this 
temple who died after miraculous exhibitions, and that of 
the relics of those arhats who passed away without such 
exhibitions. The pilgrim, as we have seen, describes the 
100 Brethren in the establishment at his time as "day 
and night assiduous at their duties." The words within 
inverted commas are a quotation with the alteration of 
one character from a wellknown passage in the Shih-ching 
and they are a stock literary phrase.* He adds that one 
cannot distinguish among them the ordinary Brother from 
the arhat. Instead of this last clause Julien has — "II est 
difficile de s^ruter le coeur des hommes vulgaires et des 
saints," but this platitude cannot be forced out of the 
texti This simply tells us that all the Brethren were so 
zealous in the observances of their religion that one could 
not tell which was common monk and which was arhat. 

At a distance of above 50 li north-west from the capital was 
T'i-wei's city and above 40 li to the north of that was P-o-li's 
city. In each of these towns was a tope above thirty feet high. 
Now the story of these topes was this. As soon as Ju-lai long 
ago attained Euddhahood he went to the Bodhi Tree and thence 
to the Deer Park (near Benares). At this time two householders 

1 The sentence in the original runs— ^ fa'-^W'C^JVM'i^Bi 

mumm m- 


meeting him in his majestic glory gave him of their travelling 
provisions parched grain and honey. Bhagavat expounded to 
them ^hat brings happiness to men and devas, and these two 
householders were the first to hear the Five Commandments and 
Ten Yirtues. When they had received the religious teaching 
they requested something to worship, and Julai gave them of 
his hair and nail(-pairings). The two men being about to return 
to their native country begged to have rule and pattern for their 
service of worship. Julai thereupon making a square pile of his 
sanghati, or lower robe, laid it on the ground, and did the same 
with his uttarasanga or outer robe and his Samkachchikam, the 
robe which goes under the arm-pits, in succession. On the top of 
these he placed his bowl inverted, and then set up his mendicant's 
staff, thus making a tope. The two men, accepting the Julai's 
instructions, returned each to his city, and according to the 
pattern thus taught by the Buddha they proceeded to erect these 
two topes, the very first in the dispensation of Sakyamuni 
Buddha. Above 70 li west of the capital was a tope which had 
been built in the time of Kasyapa Buddha. 

The Firtoei (^ |g) and P'oli (^ fj) of this very curious 
passage are the names of men not of cities. They stand 
for Trapusha (or Tapassu) and Bhallika (or Bhalluka) 
and are the transcriptions used by some of the early 
translators.* The former is sometimes translated as 
Huang-Jcua (^ JfR). "a gourd" or "melon" and in Tibetan 
as Gra-gong with similar meaning: Bhallika is translated 
Ts'un-lo (;^ •^), "a village," but the Tibetan rendering 
means "good" or "fortunate" (Bhalluka).^ These two men 
were travelling merchants or caravan-chiefs from a far 
land. 3 The story of their giving the Buddha his first food 
after he attained Buddhahood is told in many books with 

' They are used in the Hsiu-hsing-pen-ch'i-ching (No. 064. tr. 
A.D. 197); in the Fo-shuo-t'ai-tzu-sui-ying-pen-ch'i-ching, ch. 1 
(No. 665, tr. cir. A.D. 250). 

The two merchants' names are also given as Bhadrasena and 
Bhadralik (Yin-kuo-ching, ch. 3. No. 666 tr. cir. A.D. 450), and as 
Kua or "Melon" (Trapusha) and Upali in the Ssii-fen Vinaya, ch. 31 
where the men are brothers. 

2 Sar. Vin. P'o-seng-shih, ch. 5 (No. 1123) : Kockhill Life p. 34. 

3 The village of the great alms-giving is also located on the way 
between Bodhigaya and Benares and its name given as Tapussa- 
bhalik (^ ?| ^ for ^ J^ fj). 


some variations. In a late Sinhalese text these pious mer- 
chants erected a tope over the precious hair- and nail- 
outtings in Oeylon;' in a Burmese story the monument was 
erected in Burmah;^ and in the account which Yuan-chuang 
gives in Chilan VIII a monument was erected at the 
place where the incident occurred.' Some versions re- 
present the two traders as being men from the north, 
some represent them as brothers, and in some versions 
there is only one man. The ridiculous story told here of 
the Buddha's extemporized model of a tope does not seem 
to be found in any other account of the incident. It 
gives us, however, the plain outline of the original or 
early Buddhist tope or pagoda, — a square base surmounted 
by a cylinder on which was a dome topped by a spire. 
Julien evidently misunderstood the passage and he had a 
faulty text. He makes the pilgrim state that Julai took 
off his sanghatl "forme de pieces de coton carrees". He 
had the Ming text reading tieh meaning "cotton" but the 
C and D texts have the tieh which means to doiible, fold, 
•pile. The topes which these two merchants erected in 
their respective native places are not represented as the 
first structures of the kind, but only as the first in the 
Buddhadom of Sakyamuni. The very next sentence, as 
we have seen, tells of a Ka^yapa Buddha tope in the 
same district. 

The narrative continues. 

South-west from the capital [of Balkh] coming into a corner 
of the Snowy mountains you arrive at the Yue-mei (or moyVS 
country. This was 50 or 60 li long by 100 U wide, and its 
capital was above ten K in circuit. 

Julien who transliterates the Chinese characters for the 
name of this country by Jui-mo-tho, suggests Jumadha as 
the foreign word transcribed. But the first character 

1 Hardy M. B. p. 186. 

2 Bigandet Legend vol. i. p. 108. 

3 The version in the LaUtavistara Ch. XXIV, and some other 
versions of the story do not make mention of the hair and nails 
relics and the topes. 


114 BALKH. 

was read yue and the name was probably something like 
Yumadha. Our author in this passage uses the mode of 
description which is supposed to indicate that he is giving 
a second-hand report not the result of a personal visit 
But we know from the Life that the pilgrim did go to 
this country at the pressing invitation of its king who 
shewed him great kindness. 

To the south-west [of Yue-mei-t'S] was the Hu-shih-kan countrj'. 
This was above 500 li long and above 1000 K broad, and its 
capital was above 20 li in circuit: it had many hUls and vales 
and yielded good horses. 

This country, according to the T'ang-Shu, extended on 
the south-east to Bamian. M. Saint Martin thinks that 
the Hu-shih-kan of this passage may be the district called 
by the Persians JusJcdn which was "entre Balkh et le 
district de Merou-er-Roud"- The pilgrim made a short 
visit to this country also, we learn from the Life.' 

North-west [from Hii-shih-kan] was Ta-la-kan. This country 
was above 500 li long by 50 or 60 li wide, and its capital was 
more than ten li in circuit: on the west it adjoined Fo-la-ssu 

M. Saint-Martin thinks that this name Ta-la-kan "nous 
conduit indubitalement k la Talekdn du Ghardjistan, ville 
situee a trois petites journees au-dessus de Merou-er-B,oild, 
dans la direction de Herat." 2 The name which he has 
here transcribed may have been Talakan or Tarkan, but 
it is not likely that the characters were used to represent 
a word like Talikan or Talekan. 

The pilgrim now resumes his journey towards India. 

From Balkh he went south more than 100 li to Kie{Kaychih. 
This country was above 500 li long and 300 li wide, and its 
capital was five or six li in circuit. It was a very stony, hilly 
country with few fruits and flowers but much pulse and wheat; 
the climate was very cold; the people's ways were hard and 
brusque. There were more than ten monasteries with 300 
Brethren all attached to the Sarvastivadin school of the "Small 
Vehicle" system, 

1 Julien III. p. 290. Of. Yule in J. K A. S. Vol. vi, p. 102. 

2 Julien III. p. 289. Cf. Yule, 1. c; Med. Res. Vol. ii. p. 98. 

BAMIAN. 115 

The word here transcribed Ka-chih has been restored 
as Gachi and Gaz, and Yule took the country to be "the 
Darah or Valley of Gaz".i 


Our narrathe proceeds to relate that the pilgrim 
going south-east from Ka-chih country entered the Great Snowy 
Mountains. These mountains are lofty and their defiles deep, 
with peaks and precipices fraught with peril. "Wind and snow 
alternate incessantly, and at midsummer it is still cold. Piled 
up snow fills the valleys and the mountain tracks are hard to 
follow. There are gods of the mountains and impish sprites 
which in their anger send forth monstrous apparitions, and the 
mountains are infested by troops of robbers who make murder 
their occupation. 

A journey of above 600 li brought the pilgrim out of the 
Umits of the Tokhara country and into the Fan-yen-na country. 
This was above 2000 li from east to west and 300 li from north 
to south. It was in the midst of the Snowy Mountains, and its 
inhabitants taking advantage of the mountains and defiles had 
their towns in strong places. The capital, which was built at a 
steep bank and across a defile, had a high cliff on its north side 
and was six or seven li in length. The country was very cold- 
it yielded early wheat, had little fruit or flower, but had good 
pasture for sheep and horses. The people had harsh rude ways; 
they mostly wore furs and serges, which were of local origin. 
Their written language, their popular institutions, and their cur- 
rency were like those of Tokhara, and they resembled the people 
of that country in appearance but differed from them in their 
spoken language. In honesty of disposition they were far above 
the neighbouring countries, and they made offerings and paid 
reverence with perfect sincerity to [all objects of worship] from 
the Three Precious ones of Buddhism down to all the gods. 
Traders coming and going on business, whether the gods shew 
favourable omens or exhibit sinister manifestations, pay worship 
(lit. seek religious merit). 

The Fan-yen-na {^ ^ 515) o^ t^^s is, as has been shewn 
by others, Bamian, and Yuan-chuang was apparently the 
first to use this transcription. Other transcriptions found 
in Chinese literature are Fan-yen (f{, 5S), and Wang (i. e. 


I Yule 1. c. 


116 BASOAS. 

BangYyen (^ ^), each representing a sound like Bam-yan. 
Our pilgrim represents the inhabitants as using the natural 
strongholds of the hills and defiles for their places of 
abode. The district, we learn from the T'ang-Shu, had 
several large towns, but the people lived chiefly in mountain 
caves. 1 Writing from reports of recent travellers Colonel 
Yule tells us: "The prominences of the cliflFs which line 
the valley of Bamian are crowned by the remains of 
numerous massive towers, whilst their precipitous faces 
are for sis or seven miles pierced by an infinity of an- 
ciently excavated caves, some of which are still occupied 
as dwellings. The actual site of the old city is marked 
by mounds and remains of walls, and on an isolated rock 
in the middle of the valley are the considerable ruins of 
what appear to have been the acropolis, now known as 
Ghulgh6la."2 This Ghulghula probably represents part of 
our pilgrim's capital, the name of which in the 7* century 
was Lo-lan (^ JP|). Ibn Hiaukal teUs us that "Bamian 
is a town about half as large as Balkh, situated on a 
hilL Before this hill runs a river, the stream of which 
flows into Guyestan. Bamian has not any gardens nor 
orchards, and it is the only town in this district situated 
on a hill." 3 The Life tells us that when Yuan-chuang 
arrived at the capital the king came out to meet him and 
then entertained him in the palace and that in this city 
the pilgrim met with two learned Brethren of the Maha- 
sangika school who were very kind to him. The king was 
probably regarded by Yuan-chuang as a descendant of 
the Sakya exile from Kapilavastu who went to Bamian 
and became its king. 

In Bamian there were some tens of Buddhist monasteries with 
several thousands of Brethren who were adherents of that Hjha- 
yana school which "declares that [Buddha] transcends the ordi- 
nary", that is, the LokottaravSdin School. 

I T'ang-shu, ch. 221. 

^ See "The Rock-cut Caves and Statues of Bamian" in J. B,. A. S. 
Yol. xviii. Art. XIV. 

3 Or. Geog. tr. Ouseley p. 225. 


For the words here placed within inverted commas the 
original is Shuo-ch'u-shih (^ [f} -fg). This expression, as 
has been shewn by others, is used to translate the Sanskrit 
Lokottaravadin. Julien interprets this and its Chinese 
equivalent as meaning those "dont les discours s'elfevent 
au dessus du monde".'- Burnouf renders the term by 
"ceux qui se pretendent superieures au monde".^ Eitel 
translates it "Those who pretend to have done with the 
world".* But all these interpretations judged by the 
accounts of the school seem to be wrong and misleading. 
Wassiljew explains the term better as meaning "those 
who argue about emergence from the world, that is, argue 
that in the Buddhas there is nothing which belongs to the 
world".* So also Rockhill using Tibetan texts explains 
the term thus — "Those who say that the blessed Buddhas 
have passed beyond all worlds (i. e. existences), that the 
Tathagata was not subject to worldly laws are called 
["Those who say that the Tathagata] has passed beyond 
all world, or LoJcottaravddins." = The school which bore 
this name is described as an offshoot from the Maha- 
sangika or Church of the Great Congregation of Brethren 
which arose in the Madhyade^a or "Mid-India" of Chinese 
writers. The name was given to the sect from the pro- 
minence which its founders gave to the doctrines that the 
Buddhas were not begotten and conceived as human beings, 
that there was nothing worldly in them, but that they 
were altogether above this world, world-transcending. In 
Chinese Lokottaravadin became Shuo-ch'u-shih (or C'/i'tt- 
shih-shuo) as in Yuan-chuang's translation, or Ch'u-sMh- 
chien-yen-yii or Ch'u-shih-chien-shuo.^ The former means 

1 Melanges p. 330, 333. 

2 Bur. Int. p. 452. 

3 Handbook Ch. Buddhism s. v. Lokottara-vadinah. 
* Wass. Bud. S. 250. 

5 Koekhill Life p. 183. I have taken gome liberty with M' Rock- 
hUl's text as there is apparently something omitted. 

6 See the Shih-pa-pu-lun (No. 1284) and I-pu-tsung-lun-lun 
(No. 1286). 


"stating that [Buddha] transcends the world" and the 
latter means "talk [of Buddha] transcending what is in 
the world." In the "Mahavastu" we have apparently a 
sort of text book of this sect, though the treatise represent 
itself to be portion of the Vinaya.^ It teaches with 
iteration the doctrine of the unworldliness or super-world- 
liness of the Tathagatas or Great Rishis, and consists 
mainly of legends of the past and present lives of the 
Buddha. As Vasumitra shews, the Lokottaravadins, like 
the other sects which branched off from the Mahasangika 
body, differed from the latter only in the accidentals not 
in the essentials of doctrine and precept. The peculiar 
doctrine about the Buddhas must be excepted. In the lists 
of the Buddhist schools given in the Dipavamso the Lokot- 
taravadin school is not mentioned. 
The description in the text proceeds. 

On the declivity of a hill to the north-east of the capital was 
a standing image of Buddha made of stone, 140 or 150 feet high, 
of a brilliant golden colour and resplendent with ornamentation 
of precious substances. To the east of it was a Buddhist mona- 
stery built by a former king of the country. East of this was 
a standing image of Sakyamuni Buddha above 100 feet high, 
made of fit-shih, the pieces of which had been cast separately 
and then welded together into one figure. 

The large Buddha image of this passage is evidently 
the "big idol, male" which Captain Talbot measured with 
his theodolite and found to be 173 feet high. A picture 
of this image is given at p. 341 in Vol. xviii of the R. A. 
S. Journal in the Article already quoted from. Captain 
Talbot states that the image was "hewn out of the conglo- 
merate rock, but the finishing, drapery, &c., was all added 
by putting on stucco". Our pilgrim's statement that the 
image., was of a "brilliant golden colour" agrees with its 
name "Siirkbut" or "Gold image", and this is said to be 
probably the meaning of another of its names the Red 
Idol.2 The second image, we have seen, was made of 

» Mahavastu ed. Senart; T. I. Int" p. 2, p. 159. 
2 J. R. A. S. Vol. xix. p. 162, 164. 


t'u-shi. This word written |^ ;g' (or §5) is here rendered 
by Julien laiton, but in some other passages he translates 
it by cuivre jaune. Native dictionaries and glossaries also 
give different and conflicting explanations of the two 
characters. These are sometimes treated by native scholars 
as two words, but they evidently stand for one word which 
is apparently a foreign one, perhaps the Turkish word 
tuj which denotes brome. Chinese interpreters use t'u-shi, 
called also t'u-ssu ( | ^J[^, to translate the Sanskrit rlti, 
"bell-metal", "bronze", and also as the equivalent of tam- 
rika from tamra which means "copper". It is also described 
as a "stone like gold", and as a metal made from copper, 
being yellow when of good quality. It seems to be some- 
times used in the sense of "copper ore", but in these 
Records we may generally render it by brome. This 
bronze image has been identified with the "female figure 
120 feet high" of Captain Talbot, who says this, like the 
other image, was hewn out of the conglomerate rock. It 
is also the White Idol of the Persian account which also 
makes it to have been cut in the rock and calls it a 
female figure. It is about '/i of a ^^^^ to the left of the 
larger image. We cannot explain away Yuan-chuang's 
statement that the image was made of metal by the hypo- 
thesis that it was of stone covered with metal. If the 
Shah-mameh is the image east of the monastery then 
Yuan-chuang was misinformed as to its material. 
The description continues. 

In a monastery 12 or 13 li to the east of the capital was a 
recumbent image of the Buddha in Nirvana above 1000 feet long. 
Here the king held the Quinquennial Assembly at which he was 
wont to give away to the monks all his possessions from the 
queen down, his officials afterwards redeeming the valuables 
from the monks. 

In the D text and in the Fang-chih the monastery of 
the Nirvana Buddha is omy two or three H east from the 
capital, and this is probably correct In the Life the 
Nirvana image is at the monastery near which was the 
tuj or bronze Buddha. The length of the Nirvana image 


is enormous, especially if we are to regard it as having 
been -within the walls of a monastery. Perhaps, however, 
the figure was only carved in- a rock which formed the 
back wall of the temple. In any case we probably do 
well to agree with Colonel Yule's suggestion that the 
Azdaha of the present inhabitants of this district is the 
Nirvana Buddha of our traveller. The Azdaha, which is 
described as being on the flat summit of a nearly iso- 
lated rock, is "a recumbent figure bearing rude resem- 
blance to a huge lizard, and near the neck of the reptile 
there is a red splash as of blood." We cannot, however, 
imagine that the pilgrim on seeing a figure like this would 
call it Buddha in Nirvana. 

In this monastery there was also 'Sanakavasa's sanghati in nine 
stripes, of a dark red colour, made of cloth woven from the 
fibre of the sanaka plant. This man, a disciple of Ananda, in 
a former existence gave to a congregation of Brethren on the 
day of their leaving Retreat sanaka robes. By the merit of this 
act in BOO subsequent births, intermediate and human, he always 
wore clothing of this material. In his last existence he was 
born in this attire and his natal garment grew with his growth; 
when he was admitted into the Church by Ananda the garment 
became a clerical robe, and when he received full ordination the 
garment became a nine-striped sanghati. When Sanakavasa was 
about to pass away he went into the "Border-limit" samadhi and, 
by the force of his desire aiming at wisdom, he left this robe to 
last while Buddhism endures and undergo destruction when 
Buddhism comes to an end. At this time the robe had suffered 
some diminution, and this was proof to believers. 

The Sanakavasa of this passage is the Sanika, Sanavasa, 
Sonavasi, and Sanavasika or Sanavasika of other works. 
According to the generally received account the bearer 
of this name was the son of a merchant of Rajagaha! He 
also in early life became a merchant and amassed a large 
fortune with which he was very generous to the Buddhist 
fraternity. Ananda persuaded him to enter the Order 
and after ordination he devoted himself to his new career 
with great zeal and earnestness. He mastered all the 
CJanon, and taught and guided a large number of disciples, 
his chief place of residence being at the monastery he 


established near Mathura. The greatest of his disciples 
was Upagupta whom he made his successor as Master of 
the Vinaya. After this Sanakavasa went to Kipin, a 
northern region including Kashmir, or to Champa, but 
returned to Mathura. There he died and his remains were 
cremated and a tope erected over them.^ In order to 
account for his name and career a story is told about 
him in a former life. He was then the chief of a caravan 
of 500 merchants and on his journey he fell in with a 
Pratyeka Buddha dying in lonely helplessness. The caravan- 
chief devoted himself to the suffering saint, and nui-sed 
him with great kindness. This Pratyeka Buddha had an 
old worn garment of Sana, a kind of cloth made from the 
^an hemp, and the caravan-chief wished him to change it 
for a new cotton robe. But the saint declined the offer, 
not wishing to part with the old robe which was associated 
for him with all his spiritual progress. The caravan-chief 
expressed his strong desire that when he next was bom 
in this world he should be in all respects like this Pratyeka 
Buddha. By the merit of his kindness to the Pratyeka 
Buddha and his prayer he was led to join the Buddhist 
Order and to wear all his life the linen robe in which 
he was ordained, and hence he had the name Sanakavasin 
or "Wearer of linen"- The legends about him having 
been six years in his mother's womb, and having been 
born in a linen shirt, are only in some of the accounts. 
This arhat, who lived within 100 years after the Buddha, 
figui'es in the Divyavadana and in the Buddhist books of 
Nepal, Tibet, and China, ^ but he seems to be unknown 
to the Pali scriptures. We can scarcely regard him as 
identical with Sonika, the thera of Rajagaha, mentioned 
in the Mahavamsa and other works, although in some 
circumstances there is a resemblance. 3 The word she-na- 

1 ru--fa-t8ang-yin-yuan-ohing (or chuan), ch. 2 (No. 1340 tr. A.D. 
472); A-yu-wang-chuan (No. 1459 tr. A.D. 300). 

2 Divyav. p. 349: Bud. Lit. Nep, p. 67; Rockhill Life p. 161. 
> Mah. ch. IV.: Dip. V. 22. 


ha in the arhat's name is also explained as meaning tzu- 
jan-fu ( g ft^Wd or "natural", — "self-existing clothing", as 
if for sanaka from sana which means "eternal", "self- 

The words here rendered "in 500 existences intermediate 
and human" are peculiar and merit attention. In all the 
texts and in the Life the original is yii-ivu-pai-shen-chung- 
yin-sheng-yin (i^ i "g' Jl* 4* 1^ ^ 1^)' ^'^'^ Julien translates 
this by "pendant cinq cents existences successives". But 
this is not all that the author states, and the sense in 
which I understand the words is evidently something like 
what the construction requires. It is also apparently the 
sense in which the author of the Fang-chih understood 
the passage, for he transcribes it tvu-pai-chung-yin-shen- 
sheng or "500 intermediate states and human births". The 
Chung-yin, called also chung-yu (4" W)' is the antaror 
ihava or intermediate state, the life elsewhere which inter- 
venes between two existences on this world. Human death 
or ssu-yin (JE |^) is the dissolution of the skandha {yin) 
which form the living body; and this is followed in due 
time by a new human birth, the sheng-yin, in which the 
skandha are recombined. In the period which elapses 
between these two events that which was, and is to be 
again, the human being, lives on in some other sphere or 
spheres of existence, and this unknown life is the chung- 
yin. This in the language of the Buddhists is the road 
which lies between but connects the two villages of Death 
and E,e-birth. The term will be further explained when 
we come to Chuan VII. 


The narrative proceeds to relate that the pilgrim 

going east from this entered the Snow Mountains, crossed a 
black range and reached Ka-pi-shih. This country was above 
4000 li in circuit with the Snowy Mountains on its north and 
having black ranges on its other sides; the capital was above 
ten U in circuit. It yielded various cereals, and fruit and timber, 
and excellent horses and saffron; many rare commodities from 
other regions were- collected in this country ; its climate was 


cold and windy; the people were of a rude violent disposition, 
used a coarse vulgar language, and married in a miscellaneous 
manner. The written language was very like that of Tokhara; 
but the colloquial idiom and the social institutions of the people 
were different. For inner clothing they wore woollen cloth 
(mao-tieh), and for their outer garments skins and serge. Their 
gold, silver, and small copper coins differed in style and appearance 
from those of other countries. The king, who was of the £!sha- 
triya caste, was an intelligent courageous man, and his power 
extended over more than ten of the neighbouring lands ; he was 
a benevolent ruler and an adherent of Buddhism. He made 
every year a silver image of Buddha 18 feet high, and at the 
. Moksha-parishad he gave liberally to the needy and to widows 
and widowers. There were above 100 Monasteries with more 
than 6000 Brethren who were chiefly Mahay anists; the topes and 
monasteries were lofty and spacious and were kept in good 
order. Of Deva-Temples there were some tens; and above 1000 
professed Sectarians, Digambaras, and Famsupatas, and those 
who wear wreaths of skulls as bead-ornaments. 

The words "from this" at the beginning of the above 
passage apparently mean from the monastery with the 
sacred relics. The Life tells us that the journey from the 
capital of Bamian to the confines of the country occupied 
about 15 days. Two days' journey outside the Bamian 
boundary the pilgrim lost his way in the snow and after 
being set right he crossed a^ black range into Ka-pi-shih 
or Kapis. This is all the information we have about the 
distance of the latter country from Bamian. By the words 
"black range" in this passage we are apparently to under- 
stand those mountains of the Snowy range which were not 
covered with perpetual snow. It will be noticed that al- 
though the pilgrim travelled east through the Snowy 
Mountains into Kapis it was a "black range" that was to 
the west of that country. 

The country here designated Ka-pi-shih (jjg ^ f^) does 
not seem to have been known to the Chinese generally by 
that name. We find the Ka-pi-shih of our author, how- 
ever, in some later books used to denote a country said 
to beKipin.> In some older books the country is called 

1 K'ai-yuan-lu, ch. 1 (No. 14851. 


Ka-pi-shih (JJn ^ J^),^ and is described as a great rendez- 
vous for traders. The Sanskrit name is given as Karpi- 
saya and this is transcribed in Chinese by Ka-pi-sM-ye 
(^ ^b '^ <&)• -^s Kanishka is Kanerka so Kapis may be 
Kafir a name which is preserved in the modern Kafiristan. 
As to the area of the country Cunningham tells us that 
if Yuan-chuang's "measurement be even approximately 
correct, the district must have included the whole of Kafi- 
ristan, as well as the two large valleys of Ghorband and 
Panjshir, as these last are together not more than 300 miles 
in circuit". 2 

Among the products of the country here enumerated 
is one called Yii-chin, that is, "saffron". The translators, 
however, give "Curcuma" as the meaning of the word and 
it is so rendered by others in various books. As we have 
to meet with the word again the reasons for translating 
it by "saffron" are to be given hereafter. 
Our narrative proceeds. 

About three or four li east of the capital under the north 
mountain was a large monastery with above 300 Brethren all 
Hlnayanists. Its history the pilgrim learned was this. When 
Kanishka reigned in Gandhara his power reached the neighbouring 
States and his influence extended to distant regions. As he kept 
order by military rule over a wide territory reaching to the east 
of the Ts'ung-Ling, a tributary state of China to the west of the 
Yellow River through fear of the king's power sent him [princes 
as] hostages. On the arrival of the hostages Kanishka treated 
them with great courtesy and provided them with different 
residences according to the seasons. The winter was spent in 
India, the summer in Kapis, and the spring and autumn in 
Gandhara. At each residence a . monastery was erected, this 
one being at the summer residence. Hence the walls of the 
chambers had paintings of the hostages who in appearance and 
dress were somewhat like the Chinese. "When the hostages 
returned to their homes they fondly remembered their residence 
here, and continued to send it religious offerings. So the Brethren 
of this monastery with grateful feelings had kept up religious 
services on behalf the hostages every year at the beginning and 
end of the Rain-season Retreat. To the south of the east door 

1 Su-kao-seng-chuan, ch. 2 (Ko. 1493); K'ai-yuan-lu, ch. 7. 

2 Anc. Geog. Ind. p. 17. 


of the Buddha's-Eall of the Monastery, under the right foot of 
the image of the Lord over the Gods, was a pit containing a buried 
treasure deposited there by the hostages. There was an inscription 
which stated that when the monastery fell into disrepair the 
treasure was to be used for its repairs. In late times a frontier 
king had coveted the treasure and tried to steal it, but the figure 
of a parrot in the God's crown by flapping his wings and 
screaming frightened the king and his soldiers; the earth also 
quaked and the king and his soldiers fell down stiff; when they 
recovered they confessed their guilt and went away home. 

The Life tells us that the Hinayana monastery of this 
passage was called Sha-lo-ha (^ ^ Jjg), a word of which 
no explanation is given. It was in this monastery that 
our pilgrim was lodged and entertained during a portion- 
of his stay at the capital. In the Life also there is only 
one hostage and he is a son of a Chinese emperor and 
it was by him the monastery was built. The story in the 
Records evidently supposes the reader to understand that 
the hostages were the sons of a ruler of a feudal depen- 
dency of China ar of rulers of several such states. Here 
also I think there is properly only one hostage-prince and 
the use of the plural in the latter part of the passage is 
perhaps a slip. ^The monastery may be the establishment 
called in some works the T'ien-ssu and the Wang-ssu, or 
Royal Vihara. Its name Sha-lo-ha is apparently not to 
be taken as a word qualifying vihara, but as the designation 
of the whole establishment comprising the hostage's resi- 
dence, the sacred buildings and the monks' quarters. It 
is possible that the Chinese transcription may represent 
the Indian word sdldka or "small mansion" used in the 
sense of a "temporary royal residence." 

The Life also gives the story of the buried treasure and 
tells of the attempts to make use of it by the Brethren. 
At the time of the pilgrim's visit money was wanted to 
repair the tope and Yuan-chuang was requested to lay 
the case before the Lord; he did so and with such success 
that the required amount was taken without trouble. 

The narrative next tells us of caves in the mountains to the 
north of the Hostage's Monastery. Here the hostages practised 
samadhi, and in the caves were hidden treasures guarded by a 


yaksha. On a mountain two or three li west of the caves was 
an image of Kuan-tzu-tsaiP'usa; to devotees of perfect earnestness 
the P'usa would come forth from the image and comfort them 
with the sight of his beautiful body. Above 30 K south-east 
from the capital was the Rahula monastery with its marvel- 
working tope, built by a statesman named Eahula. 

Above forty K south from the capital was the city called 
Si-p'i-to-fa-la-tzu (^ ^ S fJS til flS))- When the rest of the 
region was visited by earthquakes and landslips this city and all 
round it were quite undisturbed. 

For the name of the city here transcribed Julian, who 
transliterates the last character sse, suggests Sphitavaras 
as the possible Sanskrit original, and Saint Martin pro- 
poses Svetavaras. But the last character sse or tzu is 
one of those which the Chinese do not like to use in 
transcriptions and it is probably a Chinese word in the 
sense of temple. The other characters may stand for 
Svetavat, one of the epithets of Indra, the god who rides 
a white (sveta) elephant. Thus the name of the city would 
be Svetavat-alaya, the Abode or Shrine of Indra. 

To the south of this city and at a distance of above 30 li 
from it was the A-lu-no Mountain, steep and lofty, with gloomy 
cliffs and gorges. Every [New] year the summit increased in 
height several hundreds of feet appearing to look towards the 
Shu-na-si-lo Mountain in Tsao-lcu-tfa, and then it suddenly 
collapsed. The explanation given to the pilgrim by the natives 
was this. Once the god Shu-na arriving from afar wanted to 
stop on this mountain, but the god of the mountain becoming 
alarmed made a convulsion. Shft-na deva then said to him — 
'Yon make this commotion because you do not want me to lodge 
with you; if you had granted me a little hospitality I should 
have filled you with riches; now I go to the Tsao-ku-t'a country 
to the Shu-na-si-lo mountain, and every [New-] year when I am 
receiving the worship and offerings of the king and statesmen 
you are to be a subordinate spectator'. Hence the A-lu-no 
mountain increases its height and then suddenly collapses. 

For the "New-year" of this rendering the original is 
simply sui {^) "year", but it was evidently at a particular 
time of the year that the mountain prolonged its summit. A 
native scholar was of the opinion that the word sui in this 
passage meant harvest, the time when thank-offerings were 
made to the god for the good crops. But it is perhaps better 


to take the word in tlie sense of New-year, Mount Aruna 
having to do homage openly to Shu-na deva when the 
latter was receiving the New-year's worship of the king 
and grandees of Tsao-ku-t'a. The A-lu-no of this passage 
is evidently, as has been conjectured, for Aruria which 
means "red, the colour of the dawn". In Alberuni we 
read of the Aruna mountain to the west of Kailasa and 
described as covered vrith perpetual snow and inaccessible, i 
Shu-na, also pronounced Ch'u-na, may be for Suna, and 
Shu-na-si-lo may be for Sunasirau, a pair of ancient gods 
associated vnth farming. But si-lo is perhaps for ^ila, "a 
rock", the name of the mountain being Shuna's rock. This 
Shuna or Ch'una was the chief god among the people of 
Tsao-ku-t'a, but he was feared and worshipped beyond 
the limits of that country. A deity with a name like this 
is still worshipped in some of the hill districts beyond 
India, I believe. He was perhaps originally a sun-god, as 
Aruna was the dawn, and the name Shun still survives in 
Manchoo as the word for Sun. 

Returning to the Records we read that 

above 200 li north-west from the capital was a great Snowy 
Mountain on the top of which was a lake, and prayers made at 
it for rain or fine weather were answered. The pilgrim then 
narrates the legend about this lake and its Dragon-kings. In 
the time of Kanishka the Dragon-king was a fierce malicious 
creature who in his previous existence had been the novice 
attending an arhat of Gandhara. As such in an access of passion 
and envy he had prayed to become a Naga-king in his next 
birth, and accordingly on his death he came into the world as 
the Dragon-king of this lake. Keeping up his old bad feelings 
he killed the old Dragon-king ; and sent rain and storm to destroy 
the trees and the Buddhist monastery at the foot of the mountain. 
Eanishka enraged at the persistent malice of the creature pro- 
ceeded to fill up his lake. On this the Dragon-king became 
alarmed and assuming the form of an old brahmin he remon- 
strated earnestly with the king. In the end the king and the 
Dragon made a covenant by which Kanishka was to rebuild the 
monastery and erect a tope; the latter was to serve as a lookout, 
and when the watchman on this observed dark clouds rising on 

» Vol. ii, p. 143. 


the mountain the gong was to be at once sounded, whereupon 
the bad temper of the Dragon would cease. The tope still con- 
tinued to be used for the purpose for which it was erected. It 
was reported to contain flesh-and-bone relics of the Ju-lai about 
a pint in quantity, and from these proceeded countless miracles. 

In Julien's translation of the passage from which the 
above has been condensed there occurs a sentence in 
which the original does not seem to have been properly 
understood. The words here rendered "assuming the form 
of an old brahmin he remonstrated earnestly with the 
king" are in Julien's translation "prit la forme d'un vieux 
Brahmane, se prosterna devant I'eUphant du roi et addressa 
a KanicKka des representations". For the words which I 
have put in italics the Chinese is K'ou-wang-hsiang-erh- 
chien (Pp 2 ^ IId M) literally "striking the king's elephant 
he remonstrated". But the meaning is simply "he sternly 
reproved" or "earnestly remonstrated with". The ex- 
pression corresponds to the common Chinese phrase K'oii- 
ma-chien literally "striking his horse reprove". But there 
is no striking of either horse or elephant, the expression 
being figurative. To make the brahmin kotow to the 
elephant is neither Chinese nor Indian and it spoils the 
story. The phrase K'ou-hsiang occurs again, in Chtian VI. 
and Julien again make the same curious mistake. His 
translation (p. 326) is there even less appropriate than 
it is here. 

To the north-west of the capital on the south bank of a large 
river was an Old King's Monastery which had a milk-tooth one 
inch long of Sakya P'usa. South-east from this was another 
monastery also called "Old King's", and in this was a slice of 
Julai's ushnlsha above an inch wide of a yellow-white colour 
with the hair pores distinct. It had also a hair of Julai's head 
of a dark violet colour above a foot long but curled up to about 
half an inch. The ushnlsha was worshipped by the king and 
great officials on the six fast days. To the south-west of this 
monastery was the Old Queen's monastery in which was a gilt 
copper tope above 100 feet high said to contain relics of Buddha. 

It is curious to find our pilgrim here telling of a slice 
of Buddha's ushnlsha as existing in Kapis. I-ching also 
writes of the Julai's ting-ku or ushnlsha as being in this 


country.' Our pilgrim, we shall see presently, agreeing 
with Fa-hsien makes the city Hilo in another countiy 
possess the ushnisha apparently in a perfect state. As 
Hilo was a dependency of Kapis we may regard I-ching's 
pilgrims as paying reverence to the ushnisha of Hilo and 
getting their fortunes from it. But we cannot understand 
how a monastery in Kapis had a piece of the ushnisha 
at the same time that the whole of it was in Hilo. Then 
a century or so after our pilgrim's time Wu-k'ung found 
the ushnisha relic of Sakya Ju-lai in the Yen-t'i-li vihara 
of Kanishka in Gandhara. It was near the capital of 
Gandhara also that Wu-k'ung saw the Dragon-king mo- 
nastery which Yuan-chuang places 200 li north-west from 
the capital of Kapis. ^ 

To the south-west of the capital was the Pi-lo-sho-lo Mountain. 
This name was given to the mountain from its presiding genius 
who had the form of an elephant and was therefore called Pi-lo- 
sho-lo. While the Julai was on earth this god once invited him 
and the 1200 great arhats to his mountain, and here on a large 
flat rock he gave the Julai worship and entertainment. On this 
rock king Asoka afterwards built a tope above 100 feet high. 
This tope, which was supposed to Contain about a pint of the 
Buddha's reUos, was known to the people at the time of Yuan- 
chuang's visit as the Pi-lo-sho-lo tope. 

To the north of this tope and at the base of a cliff was a 
Dragon Spring. In it the Buddha and the 1200 arhats cleansed 
their mouths, and chewed their tooth-sticks, after eating the food 
supplied to them by the god; their tooth-sticks being planted 
took root, and became the dense wood existing at the time of 
the pilgrim's visit. People who lived after the Buddha's time 
erected at the place a monastery to which they gave the name 
Ping (or Pi)-to-ka (|^ ^. \^). 

The Pi-lo-sho (or so)-lo of this passage, translated by 
the Chinese as "Elephant-solid", has been restored by 
Julien as Pilusdra. This was the name of the tutelary 
god of the mountain and of the mountain itself, and it 
was the name given to the Asoka tope erected on one of 
the rocks of the mountain. 

1 Hsi-yii-ch'iu, ch. 1, 2, and Ohavannes Memoires p. 24, 105. 

2 Shih-li-ching; Chavannes in J. A. T. VI. p. 357. 



A note added to the Ohinese text here tells us that 
Ping (or P'i)-to-ka is in Chinese Chio-yang-chih (Pg ij^ i^) 
literally "chew willow twig". This is the term used to 
describe the Buddha and his arhats chewing their tooth- 
sticks in the operation of cleansing their mouths, and it 
is the common phrase in Chinese Buddhist works to denote 
this operation. One of the Chinese names for the tooth- 
stick which the bhikshu was ordered to use daily was 
Tang-chih or "willow-twig", but in India at least the tooth- 
stick was not made of willow. We are not obliged to 
accept the native annotator's translation of the foreign 
word here, and it is apparently not correct. It will be 
noticed that the name Ping-to-Jca, according to our pilgrim, 
was given to the monastery built here by people who lived 
after the time of the Buddha and his arhats, and apparently 
at a period when there was a thick clump of trees at the 
place. The transcription in the text may possibly represent 
the word Pindaka used in the sense of a clump of trees, 
the monastery being called the Pi^daka-vihara. 



Its names. 

The pilgrim having now arrived at the frontiers of the 
great country which he calls Yin-tu (India) gives his readers 
a "Ksgah-sight" of the land before taking them through 
its various kingdoms. And first he tells them of its name 
and its meaning and probable origin. His statements 
about the name may be roughly rendered as follows — 

We find that different counsels have confused the designations 
of Tien-chu (India); the old names were 8hin-tu and Sien (or 
Sienytou; now we must conform to the correct pronunciation 
and caU it Yin-tu. The people of Yin-tu use local appellatipns 
for their respective countries ; the various districts having different 
customs; adopting a general designation, and one which the 
people like, we call the country Yirirtu which means the "Moon". ^ 

This rendering differs in some respects from that given 
by Julien which is neither very clear nor correct Here, 
however, as in several other passages of the Records, it is 
not easy to make out the precise meaning of the author's 
statements. It is plain, however, that he is not dealing 
vrith names given to India generally but only with those 
used in Chinese books. Then his words would seem to 
indicate that he regarded T'ien-chu, Shen-tu, and Sien-tou 
as only dialectical varieties or mistaken transcriptions of 
Yin-tu, which was the standard pronunciation. Further 
his language does not seem to intimate, as Julien under- 


stood it to intimate, that Yin-tu was the name for all 
India used by the inhabitants of the country. In some 
other works we find it stated that Yin-tu was the native 
name for the whole country, and Indu-deSa given as the 
original Sanskrit term. Our author may have had this 
opinion but this does not seem to be the meaning of his 
statements here. On the contrary he apparently wishes 
us to understand that the natives of India had only 
designations of their own States, Such as Magadha and 
Kausambhi, and that they were without a general name 
under which these could be included. It was the peoples 
beyond, as for example the Turks, who gave the name 
Yiu-tu, and the Hu who gave Sin-tu, to a great territory 
of 'uncertain limits. Then the Buddhist writers of Kashmir, 
Gandhara, and other countries beyond India proper, seem 
also to have sometimes used the name Yin-tu. But, as 
I-ching teUs us, although this word may mean "moon" 
yet it was not the current name for India. In Buddhist 
literature India is called Jambudvipa, and portions of 
it Aryade^a and Madhyade^a.^ One of the other names 
for India to be found in Buddhist literature is Indra- 
vardhana. But in the Chinese accoimts of letters or 
missions sent by Indian rajahs to the court of China 
the rajahs are only represented as styling themselves 
kings of special countries in India. Thus the great 
Siladitya, who treated our pilgrim with great honour, 
is made in Chinese history to call himself king of 

Let us now examine in detail Yuan-chuang's statements 
about the terms he quotes as used in China to denote 
India and the history of these terms. The old name, as 
he tells us, is that which he, following precedent, writes 
Shen-tu (^ ^) as the characters are now pronounced. 
This word emerges in Chinese history iu the account 
which the famous envoy Chang Ch'ien (Kien) gives of his 
experiences in the Ta-hsia country (Bactria). In that we 

1 Nan-hai-ch'i-kuei, ch. 25 1 Hunter's Ind. Emp. p. 33. 


read that when Chang returned from his mission to the 
West he reported to Han Wu Ti (apparently ahout B. C. 
123) that when in Ta-hsia he had seen hamhoo poles and 
cloth from a district which is now comprised in the Pro- 
vince of Ssuchuan. He had been told, he relates, that 
these commodities had been obtained at Sh§n-tu, as the 
name of the place is given in the ordinary texts of his 
report to the Emperor. Now Chinese writers tell us, 
and "Western scholars have adopted and repeated the 
statements, that the Shen-tu of this story was India, and 
that all the other designations for that country in Chinese 
books such as Hsien-tou, Hsien-tu, Kan-tu, Kiian (or Yuan)- 
tu, T'ien-chu, T'ien-tu, and Yin-tu are only phonetic cor- 
ruptions of Sh§n-tu. These opinions seem to have been 
lightly formed and heedlessly followed, and it may be use- 
ful for us to enquire whether they have a good basis. 

In the first place then we find that there is doubt as 
to what was the precise form of the name of the country 
in Chang's statement. So instead of the character for 
SMn in Shen-tu given above we meet with several various 
readings. Such are |£ and |^ which probably represent 
one sound, something like Get or K'at. Now a foreign 
name like K'atu or Gachu as a name for India seems to 
have been in use. Then a third various reading for the 
Shen of Shen-tu is K'ien or Kan (f^) which may have 
been originally a copyist's -sUp for one of the characters 
read K'at.^ We find also a fourth various reading for 
the syllable Shen of Shen-tu, viz — Kuan or Yun (^).2 
But the country described in Chinese literature under the 
name Yun-tu was evidently one to the east or north-east 
of all that has been called India.^ Then accepting the 
character now read Shen as the genuine text of Chang's 

1 Shih-chi (^ |E), ch. 123, Commentary. In the T'ung-chien- 
kang-mu, ch. 4, Yuan-shou OC ^) 1°* y-> ^^^^ passage of the Shih- 
chi is quoted with the reading Kan-tu (^ ^) instead of 8Mn4u. 
See also Kanghsi Diet. s. v. J^. 

2 Han-Shu, ch. 96. 

3 T'ung-chih-liao, the Tu-yi-Iiao, ch. I; Han-Shu, 1. c. 

134 DiscussroM of old 

report vre are told that in this name it is to be pronounced 
like in or yin. This does not seem very improbable. But 
an etymological authority tells us that the character in 
question has, in this name, the sound T'ien.^ There may 
be some truth in this statement. But it is not supported 
by authority, and seems rather fanciful. 

The district or region which the envoy Chang reported 
as named, let us continue to say, Sh^n-tu, is briefly 
described by him and others of the Han period. It was 
several thousand li south-east from Bactria, near a river 
(or sea); its inhabitants used elephants in fighting. Some 
writers describe them as Buddhists; and they were in many 
respects like the people of Bactria, or like the Geti 
(Yue-ti) according to another account. Their country was 
about 2000 li south-west from what is now the Ch'eng-tu 
and Ning-yuan districts in Ssuchuan, and it had a regular 
trade with the merchants of the Ch'eng-tu district, some 
of whom seem to have settled in it. Further, this country 
was not far from the western border of the Chinese empire 
in the Han time, and it was on the way from China to 
Bactria. So though the name Shen-tu came to be after- 
wards given to India yet in its first use it apparently 
denoted a small region in what is now Yunnan and 

The name Hsien-tou was apparently applied to a region 
different from that designated Shen-tu. 3 Like Hsien-tu 
(M S)' °^ which term it is perhaps only a variety, this 
name was probably used first by the Chinese for the Indus, 

» Wen-ch'i-tien-chu (f^ ^ ^ J£), eh. 2. p. 22. The change of 
Shen-tu into T'ien-tu may point to a Burmese pronunciation of Sindu 
as Thindn. 

2 Han-Shu, ch. 95; Hou Han-Shu, ch. 88; Ma T. 1. ch. 338 gives 
mnch information about India compiled not very carefully from 
previous authorities; his account is translated in Julien's Melanges 
p. 147. _ 

' But Hsien (nien)-tou (^ 3.) came to be used as a name for 
India, and we find it described as a native designation for the whole 
country properly called Indravardhana. Su-kao-seng-chuan, ch. 2. 
See ako Fang-chih, ch. 1. 

cbhtese kames fob inbia. 135 

called Sindhu in Sanskrit. The name was afterwards 
extended by them to a mountainous region, perhaps Ladak, 
through which the Indus flows. "We find the Hsien-tu 
country mentioned in the same passages of the Han History 
with Sh§n-tu. 

We next come to T'ien-chu (5^ ^) and T'ien-tu (j^) 
said to represent only one name pronounced something 
like Tendu or Tintok. We are told by one Chinese writer 
that the name T'ien-chu was first applied to India in the 
Han Ho-Ti period (A.D. 89 to 106) but the authority for 
the statement is not given. Another account makes Meng 
K'an (about A.D. 230) the first -to identify T'ien-chu with 
Shen-tu,. but this likewise is unsupported by authority. 
We are also told that the chu (^) of T'ien-chu is a short 
way of writing tu (^), a statement which is open to very 
serious doubt. 1 This word tu occurs in the ancient clas- 
sical literature, and qatiYe students declare that it repre- 
sents an earlier chu. This is specially noted with reference 
to the occurrence of tu in a wellknown passage of the 
"Lun-Yii". Then as to the first part of the name there 
seems to have been an old and perhaps dialectical pro- 
nunciation of the character as Hien or Sin. This pro- 
nunciation is found at present in the dialect of Shao-wu 
foo in the Province of Fuhkeen in which 5c ^ is read 

But what was the sound originally represented by the 
character now read Chu in the compound T'ien-chu? It 
seems that no satisfactory and decisive answer caa be 
given at present to this question. We find that in the 
Han period the character represented several sounds which 
cannot be said to be very like each other. The upper 
part chu meaning iamboo is not significant here, we are 
told, but only phonetic; and the lower part is significant, 
and refers the word to the category earth. The character 
might then be read something like du, but this account 

< Shih-chi, 1. c. 

2 The Chinese Recorder for September 1891, p. 408. 


of the syllable may be doubted, as we learn also that the 
character was read like tek, an old and still current pro- 
nunciation of the word for hamboo. Then this same 
character was also read as chuh, tuh, Jcat, and ko or gou.^ 
Something like the last was perhaps the earliest pro- 
nunciation of the character, and this is probably a cor- 
ruption or abbreviation of a form like kao (^) or kung 
(5£). This last form, unknown to the dictionaries apparently, 
occurs often in Japanese texts of Buddhist books instead 
of the character for chu. Now in the fact that ko or gou 
was an old sound of this character we have an explanation 
of a proper name found- in the Tibetan version of the 
Buddhist "Sutra in Forty-two Sections". One of the two 
Indian monks who came to China in the time of Han 
Ming Ti, and translated or drew up the above scripture, 
is styled in Chinese text Chu Fa-lan. These words ap- 
parently represented an Indian name like Dharma-pushpa, 
that is, Flower of Buddhism. Now the Tibetans transcrib- 
ing the sounds of the characters for Chu Falan according 
to their own language wrote apparently Go-ba-ran and this 
became in the modern transcription Oohharana. This last 
word is neither Sanscrit nor Tibetan, but it has been 
adopted by Feer who has been followed by Beal and 
Eitel. That Chu in such expressions as Chu-Fa-lan (^ 
fi M)> is ^^^ P^^t ^^ *^^ name, but means "India" or 
"Indian" we know from its occurrence in other expressions 
of a similar kind. We may also infer it, in this case, 
from the fact that it does not occur in some old editions 
of the above-mentioned scripture, which have only Fa-lan 
as the name of the Indian monk. So also in another 
Tibetan work we find him described as "Bharana Pandita".^ 
There is also another word in which we may perhaps 

1 Shuo-wen, ed. Kuei Fu-hBio, 8. v. '—,. In the Fo-kuo-chi this 
character must be pronounced like Tuh or Tak as it forms the first 
syllable of the name Takshasila. 

2 Feer's Le Sutra en 42 Articles p. 47; Ssii-shih-erh-chang-ching, 
and Bun. No. 678 and Appx II. col. I ; Journal Bengal A. S. No. LI. 
p. 89 ; Huth, Geschichte d. Bud. in d. Mongolei, tr. from Tibetan, S. 101 . 


recognize the ko pronunciation of our character chu. This 
word is the old "Tangut", more correctly Tan-ku, which 
was the Turkish-Persian designation for the country now 
called Tibet' It is not improbable that, as some have 
supposed, this Tan-ku is simply the T'ien-chu of Chinese 
writers. And so this last may have been originally a 
Turkish term, used to denote a country immediately 
to the west of China, and between that country and 

T'ien-tu, on the other hand was the name of a place 
in the Eastern Sea mentioned in the "Shan-hai-ching" 
along with Chao-hsien or Korea. This place was after- 
wards identified wrongly with the T'ien-chu of writers on 
India and Buddhism. 2 But we find mention also of another 
T'ien-tu (written in the same way), a small country to 
the west of China, which has been supposed by some to 
be the Shen-tu of Chang Gh'ien. 

Whatever the name Tien-chu may have signified ori- 
ginally, however, it came to be given by the Chinese in 
their literature to the great extent of territory between 
the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea, and reaching 
from the Kapis country in the north to Ceylon in the 
south. Thus used it supplanted the old Shen-tu, and all 
other names for India among the Chinese; and it continued 
to be the general literary designation for that country 
down to the T'ang period when the new name Yin-tu was 
brought into fashion. We even find the term T'ien-chu 
used with a wider application, and it is employed as a 
synonyin for "Buddhist countries", for example, in a title 
given to the "Fo-kuo-chi" of Fa-hsien. Nor has the term 
been quite put out of use by Yuan-chuang's correct name 
Yintu, and Yuan-chuang himself continues to use it 
occasionally. We find also each of its component parts 

1 Georgi's Alph. Tib. p. 10. In the Hai-kuo-t'u-chih it is ex- 
pressly stated that T'ien-chu has been identified with the modem 
Hsi-Tsang or Tibet. 

2 Shan-hai-ching, ch. 18. 


sometimes made to do duty for the whole. This Chung- 
T'ien and Hsi-THen are respectively ■ Middle and "West 
India, while Chu in the Han and Ch'in periods and later 
was commonly used for India or Indian, a way in which 
Hsi-T'ien is also used. 

Leaving T'ien-chu to continue as a Chinese name for 
India, Yuan-chuang puts aside what he considers to be 
the corruptions of the term Yin-tu, and proceeds to use 
that form as the correct designation of the country. He 
goes on to suggest a reason for this word, meaning "moon", 
having come to be so employed. His explanation is ap- 
parently as follows — 

The unceasing revolutions of mortals' existences are a dark 
long night; were there not a warden of the dawn they would 
be like the night with its lights which succeeds the setting of 
the sun; although the night have the light of the stars that is 
not to be compared to the light of the clear moon. Hence 
probably India was likened to the moon as [since the sun of the 
Buddha set] it has had a succession of holy and wise men to 
teach the people and exercise rule as the moon sheds its bright 
influences, — on this account the country has been called Yin-tu. 

The comparison and explanation of our author, it must 
be admitted, are sorry things; and they are not improved 
in any of the translations. But the passage has probably 
some copyist's mistakes, and we must at least supply a 
clause which apparently has dropt out of the text. This 
clause is the important phrase Fo-jih-chi-yin (■j^ |Jt |^) 
which means "when the sun of the Biiddha set". I have 
restored these words within square brackets in the body 
of the pilgrim's explanation, but it is probable that they 
occurred at the head of it also. The "long night" of the 
text is the interminable succession of renewed existences 
to non-Buddhists, and to the Buddhists the period between 
the death of one Buddha and the advent of another, 
but it is rather a state of affairs than a tract of time. 
It denotes a condition of spiritual darkness to mankind, 
an endless repetition of mortal life in many varieties ; each 
life ignorant of the one before, and without any hint of 
the one to follow. There is no Buddha in the world; and 


80 there is no one to end the night, and bring in the dawn 
of Nirvana. The Buddha is the 8sU-ch'Sn (fl jp) or 
Warden of the Dawn, the officer in charge of daybreak 
who ushers in the light of intelligence and the perfect 

Now on earth, when the "lights of night" succeed the 
setting of the sun, there are stars, and there is the moon. 
The stars, however, have only a shining, the brightness of 
a glow. But the moon has a light which illuminates and 
influences the world, and which transcends in brightness 
all other lights of the night. So other lands have had 
sporadic sages who made a glory for themselves revolving 
each in his own peculiar eccentric orbit. But India had 
a regular succession of great Sages who 'followed the 
great wheel' of ancient authority, each successor only ex- 
pounding, renewing, or developing the wise teachings of 
his divine or human predecessors; thus keeping the light 
of primitive revelation shining among mortals. In Buddhist 
writings the Buddha is often compared to the moon, while 
the stars are sometimes the rival teachers of his time, and 
occasionally his own great disciples. 

A later Chinese writer, apparently under the impression 
that he had the authority of Yuan-chuang for the state- 
ment, tells us that T'ien-chu means moon. But he, like 
several other authors, explains the giving of this name to 
India in a different way from that described by the pilgrim. 
He says that the country was called T'ien-chu or Moon 
because it was as great' and distinguished above the other 
countries of the world, as the moon is great among the 
stars of night — "velut inter ignes Luna minores". Other 
writers, like I-ching for example, are more discreetly wise, 
and refrain from proposing any explanation of the names 
for India. Admitting, they say, Yin-tu to be a Sanskrit term 
denoting the moon, yet it was not for that reason that. the /j 
Chinese gave it as a name to the country, nor is the name / 
the universal one. • Yin-tu is the Chinese name for India j 
as Chi-na and Clien-ian are terms used in that country 
to denote China, and apart from such use these names 


have no signification. ^ This is going too far, and the 
word India at least has a satisfactory explanation. When 
our pilgrim enquired ahout the size and form of the 
country, he was told that it was shaped like a crescent 
or, as it is in the text, a half-moon. The term used was 
apparently Indu-kala, transcribed Yin-P$-ka-lo (pp ^ {Jp 
j^).2 This word means a digit of the moon or a crescent, 
but it is rendered in Chinese simply by yueh or moon. 
It was perhaps this fact which led to the absurd com- 
parison and explanation of our text. 

Our author in this passage mentions another general 
name for India, viz — Country of the brahmins (P'o-lo- 

Among the various castes and clans of the country the brah- 
mins, he says, were purest and in most esteem. So from their 
excellent reputation the name "Brahmana-country" had come to 
be a popular one for India. 

Now this is also a foreign designation, and one used by 
the Chinese especially. It does not seem to have been 
ever known, or at least current, in India. In Chinese 
literature we find it employed during the Sui period (A.D. 
589 to 618) but it is rather a Uterary than a popular 
designation. In the shortened form Fan kuo (^ |g), 
however, the name has long been iil common use in all 
kinds of Chinese literature. 

The territory which Yuan-chuang calls Yin-tu was 
mapped off by him, as by others, into five great divisions 
called respectively North, East, "West, Central, and South 
Yin-tu. The whole territory, he tells us, 

was above 90000 K in circuit, with the Snowy Mountains (the 
Hindu £ush) on the north and the sea on its three ot^er sides. 
It was politically divided into above seventy kingdoms; the heat 
of summer was very great, and the land was to a large extent 
marshy. The northern region was hilly with a brackish soil; 

1 Nan-hai-ch'i-kuei 1. c. 

2 Supplement to I-ch'ie-ching-yih-yi, ch. 3. This of course is not 
the origin of the name for India, but it may account for the Chinese 
use of Yin-tu as a designation for the country. 


the east was a rich fertile plain; the southern division had a 
luxuriant vegetation ; and the west had a soil coaTse and gravelly. 

Indian Measures of Space. 

Our author now proceeds to give the names of measures 
of space and time which were in use among the people 
of India or were taught in their standard books of learning 
''^and religion. 

He hegins at the top of the gradation with the Yojana which, 
he says, had always represented a day's journey for a royal 
army. The old Chinese equivalent for it, he says, was 40 M, the 
people of India counted it as thirty li, while the Buddhist books 
treated it as equal to only sixteen li. 

We are not told, however, that in India the Yojana 
varied in different places and at different times. 

Then the Yojana, he states, was divided into eight Ki-osa, the 
Krosa into 500 Bows, the Bow into four Cubits, and the Cubit 
into twenty-four Fingers. Forgetting, apparently, to mention 
the division of the Finger into three Joints Yuan-chuang pro- 
ceeds to state the division of the Finger-joint into seven Wheat 
(properly Barley)-grains. Thence the subdivision by sevens is 
carried on through the Louse, the Nit, Crevice-dust, Ox-hair 
[Dust], Sheep-wool [Dust], Hare-hair [Dust], Copper [Dust], 
Water [Dust], and Fine Dust to Extremely Fine Dust. This 
last is the ultimate monad of matter and is indivisible. 

This enumeration of Indian measures of space was ap- 
parently written down from memory, and it does not quite 
agree with any of the other accounts we have. In the 
Abhidharmamahavibhasha-lun,i compiled by the 500 Arhats 
and translated by Yuan-chuang, we find a similaj" enume- 
ration, leaving it undecided, however, whether "seven copper- 
dusts" made one "Water-dust", or seven of the latter made 
one of the former. In this, and in the other books in which 
we find the measures of space given, the word for dust is 
added to each of the terms Ox-hair, Sheep-wool, Hare's- 
hair, Copper, and Watfer, and I have accordingly inserted 
it in the version here given of Yuan-chuang's account. 
Instead of t'ung, copper, the D text has chin, gold, perhaps 

1 Abhidharma-ta-vibhasha-lun, ch. 136 (Bun. No. 1263). 


used in the sense of metal, and this is the reading of 
Yuan-chuang's "Abhidharma-tsang-hsien-tsung-lun". Then 
the "Abhidharma-ko^a-lun", which also has chin instead 
of Pung, makes seven "metal-dusts" equivalent to one 
"water-dust" thus reversing Yuan-chuang's arrangement.* 
The word dust here should perhaps be replaced by atom 
or particle. 

Another enumeration of Indian measures of space is 
given in the Lalitavistara and its translations Tibetan and 
Chinese, and another in the Avadana XXXIII of the 
Divyavadana of Mess" Oowell and Neil. 2 The latter is 
represented in the Chinese collection of Buddhist books 
by four treatises. In none of all these works is there 
anything corresponding to the words "copper" and "water" 
of our author's list. Moreover each of them makes the 
Window-Dust or Sunbeam-mote — the "Crevice-Dust" of 
our author — to be one seventh of a Hare (or Moon)-Dust 
and equal to seven particles of Fine Dust. Julien took 
the "copper water" of our text to be one term and trans- 
lated it by "I'eau de cuivre (TamrapaV)", but this is un- 
doubtedly wrong.* In this gradation of measures the 
"Extremely Fine Dust" is a monad of thought, a logical 
necessity, and has no separate existence in matter. The 
lowest actual unit of matter is the anu of the Divyavadana, 
which is the "Fine Dust" of our author. This too, however, 
though visible to the deva-sight, is invisible to the human 
sight and impalpable to the other human senses. But it 
is a material substance, the most minute of all material 

' Abhidharma-tsang-hsien-tsuiig-lun, ch. 17 (No. 1266); Abhidharma- 
kosa-lun, ch. 12 (No. 1267). 

2 Lalitavistara ch. 12: Foucaux's Rgya-cher-rol-pa, p. 142 and 
note; Fang-kuang-ta-ohuang-yen-ohing, ch. 4 (No. 159); Divyav. 
p. 644; Matanga-satra, .cA. 2 (No. 645). 

3 See also the Tsa-abhidharma-hsien-lun, ch. 2 (No. 1288); Albe- 
runi, ch' XXXIV and XXXVII; Abhidharma-shnn-cheng-li-lun, 
ch. 32. In this treatise we have all the measures of space given by 
Yuan-ohuang but the "Metal-dust" is one-seventh of the "Water- 
dust". It gives also the division of the Finger into three Finger- 


sizes and quantities, and the ultimate atom into which dust 
or metal or water can be analysed. It takes seven of 
these, according to some, to equal one Atom (truti or tu- 
ti), and seven of these to make one Sunbeam -mote. If 
we omit the two words "Copper" and "Water" from our 
text, and remove the term "Orevice-Dust" to its place, we 
have an enumeration of liieasures which agrees substan- 
tially with that of the Divyavadsna up to the Krosa. 
Some of the Chinese texts represent the Krosa, translated 
by sMng (^) a sound, to be 2000 Bows, and in some the 
Barley-grain is subdivided, not as by Yuan-chuang, but 
into seven Mustard-seeds. 

Mbasubes op Time. 

Our author next goes on to describe the measures of 
time in India,- beginning with the divisions of the Day- 
night period. Here also he mainly follows Sanghabhadra's 
treatise i, and differs from most other writers, Buddhist 
and orthodox. 

He calls the Kshana the shortest space of time and makes 
120 of it equal to one Tatkshana. Then 60 Tatkshanas make 
one Lava, 30 Lavas make one Muhwrta, five of these make one 
"time" (fl§), and six 'times' make one Day-night. The six 'times' 
of this last are, we are told, distributed equally between the 
day and the night. But the non-Buddhist people of India, 
Yuan-chuang tells us, divided the day and night each into four 

It will be seen that Yuan-chuang here puts the Ksliana 
below the Tatkshana, in this agreeing with the Abhidharma 
treatises of Sanghabhadra and Dharmatara. The Divya- 
vadana, on the other hand makes 120 Tatkshanas equal 
to one Kshana, and 60 Kshanas equal to one Lava. In 
some Chinese versions of the sacred books the tatkshana 
is not mentioned. The kshana is defined as the time 
occupied by a woman in spinning one hsiln (5) of thread, 
but the word is generally used by Buddhist writers in 

I Abhidharma-shun-cheng-li-Iun, 1. c. For the measures of Time 
generally see the references in the above note 3 on p. 142. 


the sense of an instant, the twinkling of an eye, the very 
shortest measurable space of time. 

The word kshana is commonly transcribed in Chinese 
books as in our text, and it is rarely translated. The lava 
is sometimes rendered by shih (fl^), time, and sometimes 
^7 f^n (^), a division. So also Muhurta is sometimes 
translated by shih, time, but more frequently by hsU-yU 
(M M)> ^^ instant or moment, such being also the original 
meaning of muhurta. But hsu-yii when used as a trans- 
lation of this word does not denote an instant but a period 
of 48 minutes, the thirtieth part of a Day-night. The day 
is divided into three "times", viz. forenoon, noon, and 
afternoon, and hence it is called Trisandhya. In like manner 
the night is divided into three "times" or watches and 
hence it is called Triyama. 

Our author next goes on to enumerate the divisions, 
natural and artificial, of the month and the year in India. 
He distinguishes between the common four-fold division 
of the seasons, and the three-fold one used by Buddhists. 
The latter division was into a hot season (Gnshma) 
followed by a rainy season (Varsha), and then a cold 
season (Hemanta). We have next the names of the months 
of the year in their order beginning with Ohaitra. Then 
comes an interesting passage which, as it appears in our 
texts, presents some difficulty. The meaning seems to be 
something like this — 

"Hence the professed Buddhists of India, complying with the 
sacred instructions of the Buddha, observe (lit. sit) two periods 
of Retreat, either the early or the later three months. The 
former period begins on our 16"! day of the 5tii month, and the 
latter on the 16tt of the Q^'>^ month. Previous translators of the 
Sutras and Vinaya use "Observe the summer" or "Observe the 
end of the winter". These mistranslations are due to the people 
of outlying lands not understanding the standard language, or to 
the non-harmonizing of provincialisms"- 

The first sentence of this passage evidently means that 
the Buddhist monks of Lidia could make either the former 
or the later three months of summer their period of 
Retreat. My interpretation of the passage differs a little 


from that of Julien who substitutes yu (^) rain, for the 
Hang (^) two, of the text, supporting his change of read- 
ing by a quotation of the -present passage in a Buddhist 
Cyclopedia. But one of two copies of this Cyclopedia in 
my possession gives Hang and the other has huo (^). 
Moreover all texts of the "Hsi-yii-chi" seem to agree in 
having liang here: and we read in other books of two and 
even three periods of Retreat. For the monks of India, 
however, these were all included within the Rain-season, 
the four months which began with the le**" of their fourth 
month and ended on the IS*"" of the 8"" month. The full 
period of Retreat was three months; and Buddha ordained 
that this period might be counted either from the middle 
of the fourth or the middle of the fifth month. The con- 
jecture may be hazarded that Yuan-chuang originally 
wrote liang-yili^ p^)-aw-c/iM that is "two Rain-Retreats" 
and that a copyist thinking there was a mistake left out 
the second character. This restoration does not make 
good style but something of the kind is apparently needed 
as Yuan-chuang"s expression for the Retreat was yu-an-chii. 
The Sanskrit term for the Retreat is Varsha (in Pali 
Vassa) which means simply rains, the rainy season, from 
varsha which denotes, along with other things, rain and 
a year. The usual expression for "keeping Retreat" is 
varsham vas (in Pali, vassam vasati) or varshdm sthd, 
meaning respectively to reside, and to rest, during the 
rainy season. For these terms the Chinese give various 
equivalents such as the Tso-hsia and Tso-la of some, and 
the Tso-an-chu or Tso-yu-an-chii of Yuan-chuang and 
others. For the Buddhists of India as for the other 
people of that country the "rainy season" began on the 
le"" of the month Ashadha (the fourth of their year), and 
continued for four months. This was chiefly for religious 
purposes, but to the non-Buddhists of India three months 
of this period formed also their summer. This may help 
to explain the use of the phrase Tso-hsia which is a short 
form for the full expression Tso-hsia-yii-an-chii meaning 
"to observe the Summer Rain Retreat". Then Tso-hsia 



and Tso-la mean also to pass a year as an ordained 
monk, the precedence of a brother being settled by his 
"years in religion". The phrase Tso-la or Tso-la-an-chii is 
used specially of the strict anchorite who observed two 
Retreats, one in the summer and one in the winter. It 
might be also applied to brethren in strange lands, Tokhara 
for example, whose Rainy season occurred at the end of 
the winter. Yuan-chuang seems to think that the terms 
Tso-Hsia and Tso-La are not correct renderings from the 
Sanskrit and they certainly are not literal translations. 
He supposes the mistakes to have arisen either from the 
translators having been natives of countries remote from 
Mid-India, and so ignorant of the correct term and its 
proper pronunciation, or from the use of an expression 
which had only local application and currency. But the 
"non-harmonizing of provincialisms" denotes not only the 
misuse of local terms, but also ignorance of the idioms in 
one language which should be used to represent the cor- 
responding idioms of another. Thus a Chinese or Indian 
scholar translating a Sanskrit book into Chinese without 
a thorough knowledge of the Sanskrit and Chinese idioms 
would not harmonize the countries' languages. JuUen 
takes "Mid-kingdom" here to mean China but it certainly 
denotes Mid-India. In that region people called the 
Rainy season Varsha, but in other places the word was 
pronounced vasso, or barh, or barkh, or harsh. So trans- 
lators, Yuan-chuang thinks, may have in some cases mis- 
taken the word, or they may have misunderstood either 
the original, or the Chinese term they were using in trans- 
lation. Thus the important fact that the Retreat was 
ordained on account of the Rains is put out of view by 
the renderings Tso-Hsia and Tso-La. There was not, 
however, any ignorance of Sanskrit or Chinese in the use 
of these terms, and good scholars in the two languages 
such as Fa-hsien and I-ching use Tso-hsia and An-chil 
indifferently. In countries in which there was no long 
regular Rainy season the Retreat became of importance 
as a time for spiritual improvement by study of the sacred 


books and prolonged meditation, and as giving a year's 
seniority to the brother among his brethren. 

Cities aito Houses. 

We have next a short description of the general cha- 
racters of the cities and buildings of India. The passage 
is an interesting one and the meaning may be given some- 
what as follows — 

"As to their inhabited towns and cities the quadrangular walls 
of the cities (or according to one text, of the various regions) are 
broad and high, while the thoroughfares are narrow tortuous 
passages. The shops are on the highways and booths (or, inns) 
line the roads. Butchers, fishermen, public performers, exe- 
cutioners, and scavengers have their habitations marked by a 
distinguishing sign. They are forced to live outside the city and 
they sneak along on the left when going about in the hamlets. 
As to the construction of houses and enclosing walls, the country 
being low and moist, most of the city-walls are built of bricks, 
while walls of houses and inclosures are wattled bamboo or 
wood. Their halls and terraced belvederes have wooden flat- 
roofed rooms, and are coated with chunam, and covered with 
tiles burnt or unburnt. They are of extraordinary height, and 
in style like those of China. The [houses] thatched with coarse 
or common grass are of bricks or boards; their walls are orna- 
mented with chunam; the floor is purified with cow-dung and 
strewn with flowers of the season; in these matters they differ 
from us. But the Buddhist monasteries are of most remarkable 
architecture. They have a tower at each of the four corners of 
the quadrangle and three high halls in a tier. The rafters and 
roofbeams are carved with strange figures, and the doors, 
windows, and walls are painted in various colours. The houses 
of the laity are sumptuous inside and economical outside. The 
inner rooms and the central hall vary in their dimensions, and 
there is no rule for form or construction for the tiers of the 
terraces or the rows of high rooms. Their doors open to the 
east, and the throne faces east. 

For seats all use corded benches. The royal family, the 
grandees, officials and gentry adorn their benches in different 
ways, but all have the same style (or form) of seat. The sover- 
eign's dais is exceedingly wide and high, and it is dotted with 
small pearls. What is called the "Lion's Seat" (that is, the 
actual throne) is covered with fine cloth, and is mounted by a 
jewelled footstool. The ordinary officials according to their 



fancy carve the frames of their seats in different ways, and adorn 
them with precious substances. 

Deess and peesonal chaeacteeistics. 

The inner clothing and outward attire of the people have no 
t-ailoring; as to colour a fresh white is esteemed and motley is 
of no account. The men wind a strip of cloth round the waist 
and up to the armpits and leave the right shoulder bare. The 
women wear a long robe which covers both shoulders and falls 
down loose. The hair on the crown of the head is made into 
a coil, all the rest of the hair hanging down. Some clip their 
mustaches or have other fantastic fashions. Garlands are worn 
on the head and necklaces on the body. 

The names for their clothing materials are Kiao-sM-ye (Kan- 
sheya) and muslin {tieh) and calico [pii), Kausheya being silk 
from a wild silk- worm; Ch>u (or Ch'u)-mo (Kshauma), a kind of 
linen; Han (or Kan)-po-lo (Kambala) a texture of fine wool 
(sheep's wool or goat's hair), and Bb-te-K (Kal?) a texture made 
from the wool of a wild animal — this wool being fine and soft 
and easily spun and woven is prized as a material for clothing. 
In North India where the climate is very cold closely fitting 
jackets are worn somewhat like those of the Tartars (Hu). 

The garbs of the non-Buddhists (religieux) are varied and extra- 
ordinary. Some wear peacocks' tails; some adorn themselves with a 
necklace of skulls ; some are quite naked ; some cover the body with 
grass or boards ; some pull out their hair and clip their moustaches ; 
some mat their side-hair and make a top-knot coil. Their cloth- 
ing is not fixed and the colour varies. 

In this passage, it will be noticed, the clothing materials 
used by the lay people of India are arranged in four 
groups. The first is called by the pilgrim "Kausheya 
clothing and muslin and cloth" ^^ ^ f|5 iK ^ M ^ ^)- 
Now kausheya (or kauseya) is silk made from the. cocoon 
of the Bombyx Mori, and tieh-pu is cotton-cloth or tieh 
and cotton cloth. It is perhaps better to regard tieh and 
pu as names of two materials, and in another treatise we 
find Kausheya, tieh, and ts^ui (^) grouped together.' This 
ts'ui was apparently a kind of coarse cotton cloth, and 
we find a ts'ui-ka-pei or "rough cotton" used to stuff 
cushions. The term kausheya was applied not only to 

1 Ta-fang-teng-ta-chi-ching, ch. 11 (No. 61 tr. cir. A.D. 400). 


silk stuffs but also to mixtures of silk and linen or cotton. * 
Our pilgrim evidently makes one group of "silk clothing" 
and cottons. This is not to be much wondered at when 
we reflect tbat he, like the other Chinese of his time and 
district, knew nothing of the cotton plant and the cloths 
derived from it. Moreover we should probably tegard 
this description of the dress of the natives of India as 
derived from an earlier account. 

The second kind of clothing material here mentioned 
is the Kshauma or Linen. This term also is to be re- 
garded as denoting a class. It comprehends, we must 
suppose, the fabrics made from the Kshuma or flax, the 
Sana or jute, and the bhanga or hemp. These three plants 
are mentioned in Chinese translations from the Sanskrit 
as yielding stuffs from which clothes were made. This 
word kshauma denotes not only linen but also silk textures. 

The third group is the kambala. This word, which 
denotes "woollen cloth" and "a blanket", is here evidently 
used in the sense of fine woollen cloth for making cloth- 
ing. Like the kausheya and the kshauma the kambala 
clothing was allowed to the Buddhist Brethren, 

The fourth kind of stuff mentioned as used for clothing 
material is called by Yuan-chuang Ho-la-li (|| fi| |^). 
There does not seem to be any known Sanskrit word with 
which this can be identified. As Yuan-chuang spells 
foreign words the three characters may stand for Ral, a 
Tibetan word meaning "goat's hair", from Ra, a goat 
This Ho-la-li or Ral is also probably the Lo-i (^ ^) or 
"Lo (Ra) clothes" of other Buddhist texts. In Sanskrit 
also we find rallaka which denotes a wild animal and a 
stuff made from its hair, and rallaJca-kambala which is a 
fine woollen cloth. 

Our pilgrim's description proceeds — 

The clerical costume of the Sha-men (Sramanas) is only the three 
robes and the Seng-kio-ki and Ni-p'o-so-na. As to the three 
robes the Schools adhere to different styles having broad or 

> Sar. Vin. vibhasha, ch. 5 (No. 1136): Seng-ohi-lii, ch. 9, 


narrow fringes and small or large folds. The seng-kio-ki goes 
over the left shoulder covers the armpits, joined on the right 
and opening on the left side and in length reaching to below 
the waist. As to the Ni-p'o-so-na, since no belt is worn when 
it is put on, it is gathered into plaits and secured by one of 
these, the size and colour of the plaits vary in the different 

For the first part of this passage Julian has the follow- 
ing — "Les Cha-men (Qramanas) n'ont que trois sortes de 
vetements, saroir le Seng-kia-tchi (Sanghati) le Seng-kio-ki 
(Sankakchika), et le Ni-po-sie-na (Nivasana). La coupe et 
la fagon de ces trois vetements varient suivant les ecoles. 
Les uns ont une bordure large ou etroite, les autres ont 
des pans petits ou grands". Here the translator spoils 
the description by interpolating the words "savoir le 
Seng-kia-tihi (Sanghati)", leaving out the word for "and", 
and inserting "ces" in the clause "La coupe et la»faQon 
de ces trois vetements" The "Three robes" of the Buddhist 
monk are quite distinct from the two articles of his dress 
here mentioned by name. The "three robes" are always 
given as the Antaravasaka, the Samghati, and the Uttara- 
sanga. Of these we have already met with the second 
and third in our traveller's account of Balkh, and there 
we met also with the article of clothing called Seng-kio-M. 
This last word is apparently for the original which is 
Samkachchika in Pali and Julien's Sanskrit Sankakshika. 
This is translated in a Chinese note to our text by 
"covering armpits". Professor Rhys Davids translates the 
Pali word by "vest", but the description given seems to 
suit a rude shirt or jacket with one sleeve which was 
buttoned or looped on the left shoulder. One name for 
the vestment as worn by monks in China is P'ien-shan 
(is ^^■) ^^ "one-sided jacket".^ The other article of monk's 
costume mentioned by name here is the Ni-p'o-so-na or 
Nivasana. This is rendered in Chinese by chUn (Hg) an 
old native term denoting a "skirt" on the lower part of 

1 Shih-shih-yao-lan (i^^ |^ ^ ^), ch. 1 ; Vinaya Vol. ii, p. 272 
and Vinaya Texts Vol. iii, p. 351; Seng-chi-lu 1. c. 


a robe of ceremony. Nivasana is a common term for an 
Tinder-robe or lower garment, but it is here used in its 
restricted sense as designaiing the particular kind of skirt 
or under-robe worn by Buddhist monks. This was, accord- 
ing to regulation, four ells long by one and a half in width, 
and it reached from the waist to about three finger-breadths 
above the ankle. As Yuan-chuang here tells us the Schools 
were distinguished by differences in the wearing of the 
Nivasana.> Thus, as I-ching tells us, the Sarvastivadins 
wore the skirt with a pair of plaits turned out on both 
sides of it, and the Mahasanghikas crossed the end of the 
right side to the top of the left side, tucking it in to keep 
the skirt in its place. This skirt or Nivasa had no string 
or girdle and it was evidently something like the Malay 
Sarong which, as Colonel Yule tells us, is an old Indian 
form of dress. This garment also is self-securing, and^s 
not in heed of a belt or girdle. The two articles of dress 
here mentioned and described, viz. the Saiikakshika and 
the Nivasana were in addition to the Three fi,obes which 
formed originally the full clerical costume of the bhikshu. 
They are often mentioned in the canonical books, having 
been allowed apparently as soon as Buddhism began to 
spread. The mode of wearing the Nivasana and its colour 
and fashion caused much discussion and unpleasant feeling 
in the early church. 

The pilgrim's description continues — 

The Kshatriyas and Brahmins are clean-handed and unosten- 
tatious, pure and simple in life and very frugal. The dress and 
ornaments of the kings and grandees are very extraordinary. 
Garlands and tiaras witlj precious stones are their head-adorn- 
ments; and their bodies are adorned with rings, bracelets, and 
necklaces. Wealthy mercantile people have only bracelets. Most 
of the people go barefoot and shoes are rare. They stain their 
teeth red or black, wear their hair cut even,- bore their ears, 
have long noses and large eyes- such are they in outward ap- 

1 Ssii-fen-lii, ch. 19; Nan-hai-ch'i-kuei, ch. 10, 11 and Takakusu; 
P'i-ni-mu-ching, ch. 8. 


They are pure of themselves and not from compulsion. Before 
every meal they must have a wash; the fragments and remains 
are not served up again; the food utensils are not passed on; 
those utensils which are of pottery or wood must be thrown 
away after use, and those which are of gold, silver, copper, or 
iron get another polishing. As soon as a meal is over they 
chew the tooth-stick and make themselves clean; before they 
have finished ablutions they do not come into contact with each 
other; they always wash after urinating; they smear their bodies 
with scented unguents such as sandal and saffron. When the 
king goes to his bath there is the music of drums and stringed 
instruments and song ; worship is performed and there are bath- 
ing and washing. 

The last sentence of this passage is in Jnlien's version — 
"Quand le roi se dispose a sortir, des musiciens battent 
le tambour et chantent aux sons de la guitare. Avant 
d'offrir un sacrifice, ou d'adresser des priferes (aux dieux), 
ils se lavent et se baignent". Here Julien evidently had 
for the first clause the B reading chUn-tvang-chiang-ts^U, 
meaning "when the king is about to go out". But in the 
A, C, and D texts the reading instead of ts'ii is yii, mean- 
ing "to bathe", and this is evidently the correct reading. 
Then Julien seem? to change the author's meaning by 
making the second clause a new sentence and introducing 
the word "avant". The author's meaning seems to be 
that when the king took his bath there was the per- 
formance of certain acts of worship. > 

Wbitten and spoken Language &c. 

The description next proceeds to tell of the writing and 
learning of the Hindus. 

Their system of writing was invented, as is known, by the deva 
Brahma who at the beginning instituted as patterns forty seven 
[written] words. These were combined and applied as objects 
arose and circumstances occurred; ramifying like streams they 
spread far and wide becoming modified a little by place and 
people. In language, speaking generally, they have not varied 
from the original source, but the people of "Mid India" are 

1 The text is-g ^mm or mtkM^m^mnm 


preeminenily explicit and correct in speech, their expressions 
being harmonious and elegant, like those of the deyas, and their 
intonation clear and distinct, serving as rule and pattern for 
others. The people of neighbouring territories and foreign 
countries repeating errors until these became the norm, and 
emulous for vulgarities, have lost the pure style. 

The statement here made to the effect that the Sanskrit 
alphabet was invented by the god Brahma is repeated in 
several other books by Buddhist writers. Some teU us 
that Brahma was once a rajah on earth, and that he then 
invented an alphabet of 72 letters called the "Kharu writ- 
ing" (fi M ♦)• -Disgusted with the bad treatment given 
to these letters he proceeded to swallow them all; but 
two, a and au escaped from his mouth and remained 
among men.^ But we are also told that Brahma invented 
the Brahma writing first, and that afterwards Kharoshtha 
produced the script which bears his name. 2 Another ac- 
count represents the Brahman writing (or Devanagari) to 
have been the invention of a wise (kovida) Brahmin, and 
the Kharu writing to have been the work of a stupid 
(kharu) rishi. This Kharu writing is that mentioned in 
the Lalitavistara and other books under the name Kha- 
roshtha (or Kharosta). This word is translated by "Ass- 
ear", and is the name of an ancient rishi who was a great 
astronomer and astrologist. In some Buddhist treatises 
we find the invention of letters ascribed to the Buddha, 
and in some Siva, as in Indian tradition, is credited with 
the first teaching of spelling and writing. ' The "forty 
seven words" of our passage are the twelve symbols which 
represent the ten vowels, and anusvara and visarga, and 
the thirty-five consonants; and so constitute the alphabet. 
The letters admit of endless combinations to make words 
as objects require names and circumstances need expres- 
sion. Some authors give the number of the letters in the 

1 Pai-lun-su ("g" f^ ^). 

2 Liu-shu-liao (7^ ^' B|), ch. 5. 

3 See Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ching, ch. 8 (No. 113); Si-t'an-san-mi-ch'ao 
(i^ § H ^ #)i ch. 1; Si-t'an-tsang, ch. 1; Si-t'an-tzu-chi (!^ |£). 


Sanskrit alphabet as less, and others as more, than the 
number here given; but this is generally regarded as the 
correct number. With the statements here made by 
Yuan-chuang about the Sanskrit alphabet and language 
we may compare the more detailed account given in the 
third chuan of the Life.i 

It is evident that Yuan-chuang, like other non-Indian 
Buddhists, had been taught to regard the spoken and 
■written language of "Mid-India" as at once the parent 
and the standard of all the dialects of "North-India". 
These latter had departed a little from the correct form 
in their writing, some of them, as in Gandhara, having 
written alphabets so unlike the parent one that they had 
special names. In oral speech the border lands and 
outlying regions generally had come to differ much from 
the people of "Mid-India". They had lost the rich purity 
of the standard language, and had persisted in erroneous 
forms of expression until these had come to be taught as 
the rule. 

The description continues — 

As to their archives and records there are separate custodians 

of these. The official annals and state-papers are called collec- 

tiYeYiy ni-lo-pi-Vu (or ch'a); in these good and bad are recorded, 

and instances of public calamity and good fortune are set forth 

in detail. 

The Ni-lo-pi-t'u of this passage has been rightly restored 

by Julien as Nilapita, and the Chinese annotator tells us 

the word means "Dark-blue store". We find the word 

Nilapita in our Sanskrit dictionaries, but the P. W. gives 

only one illustration of its use, and that is the passage 

before us. 

Proceeding to the education and learning of the people 
of India our author writes — 

In beginning the education of their children and winning them 
on to progress they follow the "Twelve Chapters". When the 
children are seven years of age the great treatises of the Five 

' Julien I, p. 166 J cf. Alberuni Vol. i, p. 170; Biihler's Ind. Palseo- 
graphie p°, 1 and 19 to 30. 


Sciences are gradually communicated lo them. The first science 
is Grammar which teaches and explains words, and classifies their 
distinctions. The second is that of the skilled professions [con- 
cerned with] the principles of the mechanical arts, the dual 
processes, and astrology. The third is the science of medicine 
[embracing] exorcising charms, medicine, the use of the stone, 
the needle, moxa. The fourth is the science of reasoning, by 
which the orthodox and heterodox are ascertained, and th*e true 
and false are thoroughly sought out. The fifth is the science 
of the Internal which investigates and teaches the five degrees 
of religious attainments (Ut. the "five vehicles") and the subtle 
doctrine of karma. 

The "Twelve Chapters" of this passage is in the original 
Shi-^h-chang (-\r ILM) and Julien translates this by «un 
livre en douze sections". In a note to this rendering he 
translates a short passage from a well-known Buddhist 
Dictionary about a book called the "Siddham-chang". 
This is doubtless the sort of work to which the pilgrim 
refers as the first book which the children of India learned. 
The name is made up of Siddham which means, we are 
told, "Perfection" or "May good fortune be attained", and 
chang the Chinese word for a "section" or "chapter". But 
Julien makes the whole stand for a Sanskrit compound 
Siddhavastu, a term apparently known only from his use 
of it. From a passage in I-ching's "Nan-hai-ch'i-kuei" and 
from other works we learn that the Siddham-chang was 
the name of a child's primer ABC, the first chapter of 
which was headed by the word siddham. * This word forms 
an "auspicious invocation", and the Buddhists used it alone 
or with "Namo Sarvajnaya, "Praise to the omniscient 
[Buddha]" prefixed, at the beginning of their primers. 
They used it in a similar way to head such documents 
as deeds of gift to religious establishments. In these 
places Biihler took the word to mean "Success", i. e. 
may there be success, an interpretation which agrees with 
the accepted Chinese rendering. But Fleet thinks that 
siddham in these places is to be understood as meaning 
"Perfection has been attained by Buddha", an inter- 

1 Nan-hai-ch'i-kuei, ch. 34; Si-t'an-san-mi-ch'ao, 1. c. 


pretation which does not seem to be so good.i Instead 
of siddham the non-Buddhist teachers in India placed 
"siddhir-astu" meaning "May there be success (or accom- 
plishment)" at the head of their ABCs. Thus these books 
came to be called Siddham or Siddhir-astu, the former 
being the name by -which they became known to the 
Chinese. There are many varieties of them and the 
number of chapters or sections ranges from nine to eight- 
een, the latter being the number in the work which may 
be regarded as the standard one in China. This is the 
Si-t'an-tsu-chi (*, § ^ ffi) by the monk Chih-kuang (^ ^) 
of the T'ang period taken from the Siddham of Pirajna- 
bodhi of South -India. A Siddham gives the Sanskrit 
alphabet, beginning with the vowels and proceeding in the 
order in which the letters are given in our Sanskrit gram- 
mars, then the combinations made by single consonants 
and vowels, and then those made by two or more con- 
sonants with a vowel. In some of the Siddhams made 
for Chinese use we are told that this word denotes "the 
alphabet", while in others we are told that it is a designa- 
tion for the twelve so-called vowels, but the statements 
are not borne out by any authority, and are evidently not 
correct. It may be interesting, however, in connection 
with subject to quote a statement from Alberuni. He 
relates — "The most generally known alphabet is called 
Siddha-matrika, which is by some considered as originat- 
ing from Kashmir, for the people of Kashmir use it. But 
it is also used in Varanasi. This town and Kashmir are 
the high schools of Hindu scienee. The same writing is 
used in Madhyade^a, i. e. the middle country, the country 
all around Kanauj, which is also called Aryavarta".^ 
According to I-ching a child began his primer when he 
was six years of age and learned it within six months. 
After mastering the Siddham the Indian child, accord- 

1 Buhler in Ind. Ant. Vol. x, p. 273; Fleet in Corp. Insc. Ind. 
Vol. iii, p. 25. 

J Alberuni Vol. i, p. 173. 

THE EiVB vrorAs. 157 

ing to Tuan-chuang, was introduced to the "great ^Sstras 
of the Five Sciences ( Wu-ming-ta-lun 3£ BJ ;^ J^). The 
word ming of this phrase is often used to translate the 
Sanskrit word vidyd, but a five-fold classification of vidya 
does not seem to be known to Indian literature. We 
find, however, our pilgrim's list in certain Chinese trans- 
lations of Buddhist books and the "sciences" are there 
acquired by aspiring Bodhisattvas.' They are called the 
"Five Science places" or the "Five Science ^astras". In 
his translation of the present passage Julien has treated 
the name of each ming as the name of a treatise. This 
is evidently a mistake, and the context shews that ming 
here denotes a department of knowledge, and that the Wu- 
ming named are the literatures of five categories of learn- 
ing and speculation. Yuan-chuang properly places at the 
head the Sheng-ming or "Science of Sounds", i. e. Grammar. 
Julien agrees with I-ching in giving Sabdavidya as the 
original for this term. But Sabdavidya was apparently 
the Buddhist name for Grammar which by the people of 
India generally was called Vyakarana. It is this latter 
word also which Yuan-chuang elsewhere uses as the ori- 
ginal for SMng-ming. The next group is called Chiao- 
or in some texts Kung-chiao{X. ^)-ming, the "Science of 
the Arts and Crafts". Julien retranslates the Chinese 
name by Silpasthanavidya, which seems to be rather the 
original for the "Arts-place Science" of the sutra. The 
third group is the I-fang-ming, "Healing-prescriptions 
Science", that is Medical science in all its branches. 
Julien gives as the Sanskrit original for the Chinese name 
Chikitsavidya or Science of Medicine, but this Seems to 
be only a conjecture. The fourth group in our passage 
is the Yin{^)-ming or the Science of Reasoning. Julien 
restores the Sanskrit equivalent as Hetuvidya which, like 
Tin-ming, means literally "Science of causation". But 
Tin-ming is the technical term used to translate the 

> Fan - wang - ching, ch. 2, Glossary ; Yoga - shih - ti - lun, ch. 38 
(No. 1170); P'u-sa-ti-chih-ching, ch. 3 (No. 1086 tr. cir. A.D. 41B). 


Nyaya or Logic of Indian writers, and Julien learned 
afterwards that it was Nyaya which was the original for 
Yin-ming. The fifth is the Ndi^yming or "Internal 
Science"; Julien translates "la science des choses in- 
terieures" and gives as the Sanskrit original Adhyatma- 
yidya. This word adhyatma means (1) the highest spirit 
and (2) belonging to oneself. In Kapila's system adhyat- 
mita means self-caused (in Chinese i-nei ^ ^), and it is 
opposed to that which is due to external influences. But 
in the present passage, as the context shews, and as we 
learn from other authorities, the nei-ming or Inner science 
is Buddhism. The son of Buddhist parents went through 
a course of secular instruction like other boys, and he 
also studied the books of his religion including the meta- 
physical and argumentative treatises of the great Doctors 
of Abhidharma. In these he learned all about the Five 
degrees or "Five Vehicles, the fivefold gradation of moral 
beings. These "vehicles" or progressive stages are given 
as lay believer (or "inferior degree"), ordained disciple, 
Pratyeka Buddha, Bodhisattva, Buddha. They are also 
said to be Men, Devas, ordained disciples, Pratyeka 
Buddhas, and Bodhisattvas, and there is further difference 
of opinion as to the classes of beings which form the 
successive groups.^ In the Buddhist ^astras moreover the 
student found the doctrine of karma stated, defended, and 
illustrated with a subtlety of intellect and boldness of 
imagination almost matchless. All the five groups of 
learning here enumerated were apparently comprised in 
the training of an Indian Buddhist; and no one could be 
a leader in the church, or an authority on dogma, who 
did not shew himself a proficient in these departments of 
learning. We are told of Kumarajiva that he studied the 
Sastras of the Five sciences, and of Gunabhadra it is 
recorded that in his youth he learned all the ^astras of 
the Five sciences, astronomy, arithmetic, medicine, exor- 

> Shih - chiao - fa - shu, ch. 1; Ta-ming-san-tsang-fa-shu, ch. 22 
(No. 1621). 


cisms. The religious training in the Tripitaka was accord- 
ing to some authorities a separate affair, while others 
treat it as a part of the "Inner Science". 
Our author's description proceeds. 
The Brahmins learn the four Veda treatises. The first called 
Shou (^), "Longevity" (the Ayur-Veda) tells ot nourishing life 
and keeping the constitution in order; the second called Tzu 
(Mi), "Worship" (the Yajur Veda) tells of the making of offer- 
ings and supplications; the third called Ping (2|5.) "Making 
even" (the Sama Veda) describes ceremonial etiquette, divination, 
and military tactics; the fourth called Shu (^j) or "Arts" (the 
Atharva Veda) teUs us of the various skilled arts, exorcisms, 
medicine. The teacher must have a wide, thorough, and minute 
knowledge of these, with an exhaustive comprehension of aU that 
is abstruse in them. 

The words here rendered "the four Veda treatises" are 
in the original "ssu-fei-Pe-lun (pg g^ pg |j^). Julien trans- 
lates them simply by "les quatres Vedas", and Beal by 
"the four Yeda Sastras". Neither of the translators 
attempts to explain why the first Yeda is here not the 
Rig but the Ayur. The latter term denotes life or long- 
evity, as Yuan-chuang translates, and there is an Ayur- 
Veda. But this is only a supplement or appendix to the 
Atharva- Yeda, and denotes rather the science of medicine 
than any particular treatise. It is reckoned as Veda, we 
learn, because its teachings have been found by experience 
to be wise and beneficial. Yuan-chuang knew that the 
Rig was the first, the original Veda, yet he does not 
even mention it here. His descriptions of the other Vedas 
also are not good, and it is plain that he knew very little 
about them and the great literature to which they had 
given rise. The Sama Veda, for example, with its Brah- 
manas and Sutras, has nothing to do with the subjects 
which Yuan-chuang assigns to it, and it is concerned only 
with the worship of Indra, and Agni, and the Soma. 
When writing this passage Yuan-chuang may have had 
in view only those Vedic works which were in writing, and 
were known to or owned by the Brethren in "North India". 
Some of these Buddhists were converted Brahmins, and 


it was perhaps by some of them, as has been suggested, 
that the Vedas were first reduced to writing. The Rig- 
veda itself still existed only in the memories of the Brah- 
mins, and it was taught entirely by oral communication, 
but there were commentaries and other Vedic treatises 
in writing. Moreover we are probably justified intreating 
the word "Veda" in our text as denoting a group or col- 
lection of treatises, each Veda being a title under which 
several departments of learning were classed. The trans- 
lators into Chinese sometimes render Veda like vidya by 
ming (H)^) which simply means knowledge, science, intelligence, 
as with the Brahmins the Trayi- vidya or "threefold 
Science" denotes the E-ig, Yajur, and Sama Vedas. The 
reader also will observe that Yuan-chuang here does not 
use the words hooks, treatises vrith the terms for Ayur, 
Yajur, Sama, Atharva. 

Our author proceeds to sketch the Brahmin teacher's 
way of educating his disciples. 

These teachers explain the general meaning [to their disciples] 
and teach them the minutiae; they rouse them to activity and 
skilfully win them to progress; they instruct the inert and 
sharpen the dull. When disciples, intelligent and acute, are ad- 
dicted to idle shirking, the teachers doggedly persevere repeating 
instruction! until their training is finished. "When the disciples 
are thirty years old, their minds being settled and their educa- 
tion finished, they go into office; and the first thing they do 
then is to reward the kindness of their teachers. 

"We have next some account of a kind of men peculiar 
to India and long famous in the world. Our author 
writes — 

There are men who, far seen in antique lore and fond of the 
refinements of learning, "are content in seclusion", leading lives 
of continence. These come and go (lit. sink and float) outside 
of the world, and promenade through life away from human 
affairs. Though they are not moved by honour or reproach, 

1 The original for "doggedly persevere repeating instruction is 
^ K JR ^' This is the reading of the D text but instead of fan- 
k'ai the Ming edition has 2^ §|| and Julien translates the four words 
>'ils les attachent et les tiennent eufermes". 


their fame is far spread. The rulers treating them with ceremony 
and respect cannot make them come to court. Now as the 
State holds men of learning and genius in esteem, and the people 
respect those who hare high intelligence, the honours and praises 
of such men are conspicuously abundant, and the attentions 
private and official paid to them are very considerable. Hence 
men can force themselves to a thorough acquisition of know- 
ledge. Forgetting fatigue they "expatiate in the arts and sciences" ; 
seeking for wisdom while "relying on perfect virtue" they "count 
not 1000 li a long journey". Though their family be in affluent 
circumstances, such men make up their minds to be like the 
vagrants, and get their food by begging as they go about. With 
them there is honour in knowing truth (in having wisdom), and 
there is no disgrace in being destitute. As to those who lead 
dissipated idle lives, luxurious in food and extravagant in dress, 
as such men have no moral excellences and are without ac- 
complishments, shame and disgrace come on them and their ill 
repute is spread abroad.' 


Our author passes on to make a few general observa- 
tions about the internal condition of Buddhism as he 
heard about it and found it in India. His statements on 
the subject are meagre and condensed to a fault, and the 
precise meaning in some cases has perhaps not yet been 
ascertained. The whole passage should be regarded as 
forming a separate section, and' should not be divided as 
it has been by the translators. For the present the in- 

1 The 'content in seclusion' of this passage is in the Chinese fei- 
t'un (BE M) which is the fei-fun (BE j^) of the commentary to the 
33rd Diagram of the Yih-Ching. The phrase means "to be com- 
fortable and happy in a life of retirement", to be content and cheer- 
ful in a voluntary seclusion, in a life of final withdrawal from the 
contact of bad men in the hurly-burly of an official career. 

For the words 'seeking for wisdom while relying on perfect 
virtue' the original is fang-tao-yi-jen (fS ^ ^ t)- The phrase yi- 
jen, "depending on (or following) benevolence" is a quotation from 
the Lun-yii; so also is the expression for ''expatiate in the arts and 
sciences; then "count not 1000 li a long journey" is from the first 
chapter of Mencius; and 'acquired accomplishments' is for the sMh- 
hsi (flxf ^) or "constant practise" of the first chapter of the Lun-yu. 



formation which it gives may be roughly interpreted to 

the following effect. — • 

As the religious system of Julai is apprehended by people 
according to their kind, and as it is long since the time of the 
Holy One, Buddhism now is pure or diluted according to the 
spiritual insight and mental capacity of its adherents. The 
tenets, of the Schools keep these isolated, and controversy runs 
high; heresies on special doctrines lead many ways to the same 
end. Each of the Eighteen Schools claims to have intellectual 
superiority; and the tenets (or practises) of the Great and the 
Small Systems (lit. Vehicles) differ widely. They have sitting in 
silent reverie, the walking to and fro, and the standing still; 
Samadhi and Prajna are far apart, and many are the noisy dis- 
cussions. Wherever there is a community of Brethren it makes 
[its own] rules of gradation. The Brother who expounds orally 
one treatise (or class of scripture) in the Buddhist Canon, whether 
Vinaya, Abhidharma, or Sutra, is exempted from serving under 
the Prior; he who expounds two is invested with the outfit of 
a Superior; he who expounds three has Brethren deputed to 
assist him; he who expounds four has lay servants assigned to 
him; he who expounds five rides an elephant; he who expounds 
six rides an elephant and has a surrounding retinue. Where the 
spiritual attainments are high, the distinctions conferred are 

The Brethren are often assembled for discussion to test in- 
tellectual capacity and bring moral character into prominent 
distinction, to reject the worthless and advance the intelligent. 
Those who bring forward (or according to some texts, estimate 
aright) fine points in philosophy, and give subtle principles their 
proper place, who are ornate in diction and acute in refined 
distinctions, ride richly caparisoned elephants preceded and 
followed by a host of attendants. But as for those to whom 
religious teaching has been offered in vain, who have been 
defeated in discussion, who are deficient in doctrine and redundant 
in speech, perverting the sense while keeping the language, the 
faces of such are promptly daubed with red and white clay, 
their bodies are covered with dirt, and they are driven out to 
the wilds or thrown into the ditches. As the moral are marked 
off from the immoral so the eminent (the wise) and the stupid 
have outward signs of distinction. A man knowing to delight 
in wisdom, at home diligently intent on learning, may be monk 
or layman as he pleases. 

Eor offences against the Vinaya the Community of Brethren 
has a 'gradation of penalties. Tf the offence is slight a reprimand 
is ordered. For an offence next above this in gravity there is 


added a cessation of oral intercourse with the Erethren. When 
the offence is serious the punishment is that the community 
will not live with the offender, and this involves expulsion and 
excommunication. Expelled from a Community, the monk has 
no home; he then becomes a miserable vagrant, or he returns 
to his first estate. 

This passage contains several phrases and expressions 
which may seem to require some comment or explanation. 
Thus in the first sentence we are told that Buddha's' 
"religious system is apprehended by people according to 
their kind (in ^ Si i MMU HI)"' tliat is, every one 
understands Buddha's teaching according to his individual 
nature and capacity. The statement is derived from the 
canonical Scriptures in which we are told that the Buddha 
preached in one language, but that all kinds of creatures 
understood him in their own ways. He spoke, we are 
told, the "Aryan language" but Chinese, and Yavans, and 
the peoples of Bactria and Bokhara, heard him as speak- 
ing in their own tongues. Moeover each man in a con- 
gregation which the Buddha addressed heard his own 
besetting sin reproved, and the same words called the 
unchaste to chastity and the avaricious to liberality. * This 
may have been right, and attended with only good con- 
sequences while the Buddha was bodily present among 
men, teaching and preaching and giving rules and precepts. 
But at Yuan-chuang's time a long period had elapsed 
since the decease of the Buddha. His teachings had been 
collected, committed to writing, transmitted and preserved 
with very unequal faithfulness. Great differences of opinion 
also had arisen as to whether certain doctrines were or 
were not the Buddha's teaching. Hence in Yuan-chuang's 
time the orthodox religion as professed in India was 
genuine or adulterated according to the moral and in- 
tellectual characters of its professed adherents. Some 
held to what they were taught to believe was the original 
Canon settled by the first Council. Others doubted and 

1 Abhi-ta-vibh-lun, ch. 79; Hua-yen-yi-sheng-chiao,&c., ch. 1 
(No. 1591). 



argued, -wrested Scripture from its proper meaning to suit 
their personal views, and lightly admitted spurious texts 
to have authority. 

We next have mention of the Ejghta^ljEwbier-Sehools 
which had arisen in Buddhism an5^of their rivalry. These 
Schools were famous in the history of Buddhism, and 
various accounts are given of their origin and growth. 
We know that the first split in the Church after the 
Buddha's death led to the formation of the two great 
Schools^of Jthe_SthaTiras and Mahasan^ikas^ The former 
in the course of time yielded eleven, and the latter seven 
Schools; and so there were actually Twenty Schools, but 
the total number is generally given in the books as 
Eighteen. Each of these Schools became famous for the 
propagation and defence of some peculiar doctrine. In 
Professor Rhys Davids's articles on the Buddhist sects' 
there is an excellent summary of what we know of these 
Eighteen Schools, with references to other authorities. 

Then we have mention of another famous division in the 
Buddhist Church, viz. the Great and Small Vehicles. 
Yuan-chuang tells us that "the tenets (or practises) of 
the Great and the Small Vehicles differ widely". Ta- 
hsiao-erh-sheng-chu-chih-ch'u-pie (^ >J^ H ^ ^ or ^ jt 
|g glj). Julien translates— "Les partisans du grand et du 
petit Vehicle forment deux classes a part", but this does 
not seem to give the author's meaning. The term chii-chih 
lit. resting or sojourning denotes here tenets, or outward 
observances or practises, and ch^ii-pie means very unlike or 
generically different. Yuan-chuang does not state that the 
adherents of the two systems formed two classes apart: 
he knew that in some places they even lived together in 
one monastery. But he tells us that the tenets of the 
two Systems, their ways of belief and conduct were far 
apart. It is a pity that the word Vehicle has come to 
be generally used as the rendering for the Sanskrit Yana 
in the words Mahayana and Hinayana. We should often 

1 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Soo. 1891 and 1892. 



substitute for it some term like Creed or System, and//' 
Hinayana should be the Primitive and Mahayana the' 
Developed System. As is well known, it was the adherents 
of the latter who gave the name "Small Vehicle" to the 
creed from which their own grew. Their doctrines and 
religious observances came ' to differ very widely from 
those of the early system. The Mahayanists had a more 
expansive Creed, a different standard of religious perfection, 
and a more elaborate cult than the Hinayanists. As to 
particular tenets, they differed very much from the early 
Buddhists in such matters as opinions about arhats and 
Bodhisattvas, their views of the relation of the Buddha 
to mankind, of the efficacy of prayer and worship, and of 
the elasticity of the Canon. Our author illustrates his 
statement as to differences in the Great and Little 
Systems by one or two examples, at least such is the 
general opinion as to the passage which follows. In the 
rendering here given its reads — 'They have sitting in silent 
reverie, the walking to and fro, and the standing still: 
Samadhi and Prajna are far apart, and many are the noisy 
discussions'. Julien's translation, which seems to be the 
result . of a serious misconstruction of the passage is— 
"Les uns meditent en silence, .et, soit en marchant, soit 
en repos, tiennent leur esprit immobile et font abstraction 
du monde; les autres different tout a fait de ceux-ci par 
leurs disputes orageuses".* The text, given below, plainly 
does not admit of this rendering which does great violence 
to meaning and construction. In this passage ting, or 
"absorbed meditation" (Samadhi), seems to be declared to 
be far apart from prajna, hut or "transcendental wisdom. 
But samadhi, although known to early Buddhism, is 
characteristic of Mahayanism, and is often found, as here, 
with hui, which is strictly Mahayanist. We read of a 
great controversy which was carried qn between two 
Hinayana Schools as to the relative merits of samadhi 

i_The text is-7^ $ M g, « ^ fr ft Ji S « ^i. M U 


and prajfia. But we should perhaps understand our author 
here as stating that the Hinayanist practices of quiet 
thought, walking up and down, and standing still were far 
removed from the Samadhi and Prajna of the Mahayanists. 
For the sentence— 'Wherever there is a community of 
Brethren it makes rules of gradation' the original is ^ ^ 
^ ^ # ^J f4 R$' ^^^ Julian translates— "Suivant le lieu 
qu'ils hahitent, on leur a fait un code de reglements et de 
defenses d'une nature speciale." This is not in accordance 
with Buddhism, and it is not a fair rendering of the 
author's words. These mean that each community of 
Brethren had its ovm hierarchy promoted according to a 
recognized system. The system of promotion, Yuan-chuang 
explains, was briefly this— the Brethren in any establish- 
ment were advanced according to their ability to expound 
and teach the canonical treatises of the Vinaya, Abhid- 
harma, or Sutras. In the D text the original is "without 
distinguishing Vinaya, Abhidharma, Sutra, in Buddha's 
canon-(^ ^ \^ %^ % ^ \% %), but the B text has the 
words chi-fan (ipg, J\J) after Fo-ching, and C adds the word 
kua (1^) after fan. Julien having the reading of the B 
text translates— "Les regies de la discipline (Vinaya), les 
Traites philosophiques (Sa&tras), les textes sacres (Sutras), 
les Predictions (Vyakaranas), &c. sont tous egalement des 
livres du Buddha". He tells us in a note how he gets 
"les Predictions", viz. by altering the ^ of the text to fg. 
This emendation is quite untenable and unnecessary, as 
is also the insertion of "&c." by the translator. There is 
no classification of the Buddhist Scriptures which contains 
the four heads of division given in Julien's translation. 
All the canon is contained in the Three Baskets (or 
Stores), Vinaya, Sutra, and Abhidharma, and the Chi (|B) 
or "les Predictions" constitute one of the subdivisions of 
the sutra.* In the passage under consideration the words 

1 But in the passage quoted by Julien and in other places ching 
or sutra is given as one of the classes of Scripture along with the 
Shou-chi or Predictions; the ching is the first of the twelve classes 
of scriptures the Chi (or Shou-chi) being also one of the twelve. 


Chirjan are not wanted; they were probably inserted to 
satisfy the demands of style. 

The first step in promotira, Yuan-chuang relates, was 
that a Brother who could teach one treatise (or class of 
writings) in the Canon "was exempted from serving under 
the Prior". Eor the words within inverted commas the 
original is— Nai-mien-sSng-chih-shih (Ji fi ^ ^ ^), and 
Julien translates — "est dispense des devoirs de religieux 
et dirige les affaires du couvent". This faulty inter- 
pretation, it will be seen, puts the disciple of one talent 
above the disciples of two or more talents. The S^ng- 
chih'Shih or Karmadana' in a Buddhist monastery Jiad 
control of its secular affairs, and the common monks were 
under his orders for all kinds of menial work. When a 
Brother proved himself well versed in one subject or 
department of the canon, and skilled in eloquent exposition 
of the same, he was, as a first step in advancement, 
exempted from performing the ordinary work of the 
establishment. This exemption was granted also in 
monasteries to which the learned Brother went as a guest. 
There is an Abhidharma treatise in which we find an 
illustration of our text. A stranger monk arrives in a 
monastery and is treated as a guest at first. Afterwards 
the Prior tells him that according to his seniority he is 
to take part in the daily routine of the establisment. But 
the guest said — No, I am not to work; I am a Ph. D., 
a Lun-shih, and his claim to be exempted was allowed, i 

For the words here rendered by 'But as for those to 
whom religious teaching has been offered in vain' the 
original is^ J^^f^ ^^. Julien wrongly connecting these 
words with what precedes translates "A son arrivee, il 
passe sous des portes triomphales". It will be readily 
admitted that yi-men cannot be translated "triumphal 
gates" and that hsu-p'i cannot possibly be rendered by 
"il passe sous". The term yi-min, lit. "door of meaning" 
is used in the senses of article of creed, essential doctrine, 

» Sar. Vin. Mu-te-ka, ch. 6 (No. 1134); Abhi-ta-vib-lun, ch. 118. 


course of instruction. In ordinary Chinese literature the 
term is not unknown and it is an honourable epithet or 
distinction. A yi-men is an unselfish or public-spiritual 
clan, as a family which keeps together for a long time, 
five or six generations, living and messing on the same 
premises. But here yi-men has a Buddhistic use and 
means "cause of religious instruction". Then hsU-p'i is 
"vainly open", and the clause means "as for those to whom 
religious teaching has been offered to no purpose". It 
introduces the words which follow, telling the dreadful 
fate of the man who does not learn, and yet pretends to 
be wise. 

The Castes op India. 

Our author passes on to give a few particulars about 
the division of the people of India into castes. His 
statements may be loosely rendered as follows — 

There are four orders of hereditary clan distinctions. The first 
is that of the Brahmins or "purely living"; these keep their 
principles and liveconlinently, strictly observing ceremonial 
purity. The second order is that of the Kshatriyas, the race of 
kings ; this order has held sovereignty for many generations, and 
its aims are benevolence and mercy. The third order is that of 
the "Vaisyaa or class of traders, who barter commodities and 
pursue gain far and near. The fourth class is that of the Sudras 
or agriculturists; these toil at cultivating the soil and are in- 
dustrious at sowing and reaping. These four castes form classes 
of various degrees of ceremonial purity. The members of a 
caste marry within the caste, the great and the obscure keeping 
apart. Relations whether by the father's or the mother's side 
do not intermarry, and a woman never contracts a second 
marriage. There are also the mixed castes; numerous clans 
formed by groups of people according to their kinds, and these 
cannot be described. 

It will be seen from this passage that Tuan-chuang, 
like other Chinese writers on India, understood the term 
Brahman as meaning those who had hrahman in the sense 
of a chaste continent habit of life. The Kshatriyas were 
the hereditary rulers, and as such their minds were to 
be bent on benevolence and mercy. This is in accordance 


■with Manu -who lays it down that the king should he a 
protector to his people.^ Yuan-chuang here puts the castes 
in the order given in brahmin books, but in the Buddhist 
scriptures the Kshatriyas are usually placed above the Brah- 
mins. The phrase which he applies to the Vai^yas, whom 
he calls the trading caste, viz. "they barter what they 
have not" is one of some interest. The words are mao- 
ch'ien-yu-wu {% ^^ ^), and they are to be found in the 
Shu-ching with the substitution of ^ ioT ^, the two 
characters having the same sound but very different mean- 
ings. 2 Our pilgrim, it will be noticed, makes the ^udras 
to be farmers. But in Manu, and in some Buddhist works, 
the Vai^yas are farmers, and the business of the Sudras 
is to serve the three castes above them.^ 

The sentence here rendered "The members of a caste 
marry within the caste, the great and the obscure keep- 
ing apart" is in the original hu7i-chu-t'ung-ch'in-fei-fviryi-lu 
i^Wk'^UMik^W^ lit- "marriages go through the 
kindred, flying and prostrate different ways". Julien 
translates the words — "Quand les hommes ou les femmes 
se marient, ils prennent un rang eleve ou restent dans 
une condition obscure, suivant la difference de leur origine." 
This rendering seems to be absurd and it does violence 
to the text leaving out the two words t'ung-chHn and 
mistranslating yi-lu. What . our author states seems to 
be clear and simple. Marriages take place within a caste, 
and a Vaisya man, for example, may marry any Vaisya 
maid. And he will marry no other. To Yuan-chuang a 
caste was a gens or a clan denoted by one surname (^) 
and all who belonged to the gens were kindred, they were 
of one jati. So members of the caste might intermarry 
provided they were not already related by marriage. But 
though a man might espouse any maid of his caste, the 
rich and great married among themselves, and the poor 

1 Ch. 1. 89 et al. 

2 L. C. C. Vol. iii, p. 78, Shu-Ching, ch. 2. 

s Ch'eng-shih-lun, ch. 7 (No. 1274); Manu 1, 91. 


and obscure kept to themselves in their marriages. The 
words fei, "flying" and fu "prostrate", used for 'prosperous 
and ohscv/re have a reference to the first chapter of the 
Yih-ching. With vrhat Yuan-chuang tells us here we 
may compare Manu who lays down the law that "a father 
ought to give his daughter in marriage to a distinguished 
young man of an agreeable exterior and of the same class", 
and of the lady he says — "let her choose a husband of 
the same rank as herself." i 

The "mixed castes (tsa^hsing ^ ^)" are properly not 
"castes", but guilds and groups of low craftsmen and 
workmen. These include weavers, shoemakers, hunters, 
fishermen, and also water-carriers and scavengers. Albe- 
runi's account of these and his description of the four 
castes may be used as a commentary to the short account 
given by our pilgrim.2 

The Army. 

We have next a short notice of the army of India 
beginning with its head, the Sovereign. Of the latter 
Yuan-chuang states according to Julien's rendering — "La 
serie des rois ne se compose que de Kchattriyas, qui, dans 
I'origine, se sont eleves au pouvoir par I'usurpation du 
trone et le meurtre du souverain. QuoiquHls sont issus de 
families etrangeres, leur nom est prononce avec respect"- 
The italics are mine and they indicate interpolations, un- 
necessary and unwarranted, made by the translator, who 
seems to have forgotten the passage he had just trans- 
lated. What our author states is to this effect — 

The sovereignty for many successive generations has been exer- 
cised only by Kshatriyas : rebellion and regicide have occasionally 
arisen, other castes assuming the distinction 

that is, calling themselves kings. The sovereign de jure 
Yuan-chilang thought, was always of the Kshatriya caste, 
and it was that caste alone which could lawfully produce 

1 Manu IX, 88. 

2 Alberuni, cA.-IX. 


a king, but there were instances of men of other castes, 
Sudras for example, raising themselyes to the throne. 
Our author proceeds. 

The National Guard (lit. warriors) are heroes of choice valour, 
and, as the profession is hereditary, they become adepts in 
military tactics. In peace they guard the sovereign's residence, 
and in war they become the intrepid vanguard. 

The army is composed of Foot, Horse, Chariot, and Elephant 
soldiers. The war-elephant is covered with coat-of-mail, and his 
tusks are provided with sharp barbs. On him rides the Com- 
mander-in-chief, who has a soldier on each side to manage the 
elephant. The chariot in which an officer sits is drawn by four 
horses, whilst infantry guard it on both sides. The infantry go 
lightly into action and are choice men of valour; they bear a 
large shield and carry a long spear; some are armed with a 
sword or sabre and dash to the front of the advancing line of 
battle. They are perfect experts with all the implements of war 
such as spear, shield, bow and arrow, sword, sabre &c. having 
been drlUed in them for generations.! 

SocujCi ASB Legal Mattebs. 

Our pilgrim next sums up the character of the Indian 

They are of hasty and irresolute temperaments, but of pure 
moral principles. They will not take anything wrongfully, and 
they yield more than faifness requires. They fear the retribution 
for sins in other lives, and make light of what conduct produces 
in this life. They do not practise deceit and they keep their 
sworn obligations. 

He then describes the judicial processes and modes of 


As the government is honestly administered and the people live 
together on good terms the criminal class is small. The statute 
law is sometimes violated and plots made against the sovereign; 

1 For 'They are perfect experts with all the implements of war' 
the original is At^^fiiS^^-^^ ^' ^^^ Julien translates 
"Toutes leurs armes de guerre sont piquantes ou tranchantes". But 
this is manifestly wrong and a little reflection should have shewn 
Julien that shields and slings, two of the armes de guerre, are not 
piguantes or tranchantes. On p. 77 of this volume of the Memoires 
Julien translates fing-jui by "la superiorite". 


when the crime is brought to light the offender- is •imprisoned 
for life; he does not suffer any corporal punishment, but alive 
and dead ho is not treated as member of the community (Ut. as 
a man). For offences against social morality, and disloyal and 
unfiliaJ conduct, the punishment is to cut off the nose, or an 
ear, or a hand, or a foot, or to banish the offender to another 
country or into the wilderness. Other offences can be atoned 
for by a money payment. 

The narrative proceeds to describe the four ordeals by 
which the innocence or guilt of an accused person is 

These are by water, by fire, by weighing, and by poison. In 
the water ordeal the accused is put in one sack and a stone in 
another, then the two sacks are connected and thrown into a 
deep stream; if the sack containing the stone floats, and the 
other sinks, the man's guilt is proven. The fire ordeal requires 
the accused to kneel and tread on hot iron, to take it in his 
hand and lick it; if he is innocent he is not hurt, but he is 
burnt if he is guilty. In the weighing ordeal the accused is 
weighed' against a stone; and if the latter is the lighter the 
charge is false, if otherwise it is true. The poison ordeal 
requires that the right hind leg of a ram be cut off, and ac- 
cording to the portion assigned to the accused to eat, poisons 
are put into the leg, and if the man is innocent he survives, and 
if not the poison takes effect. > 

Julien takes a very different meaning out of the text 
for the last sentence. He understood the author to state 
that the poison ordeal consisted in placing in the incised 
thigh of a ram "une portion des aliments que mange le 
prevenu", poisons having been previously spread over the 
"portion", and if the ram then died the accused was guilty, 
and if the poison did not work he was innocent. But 
this cannot be regarded as the meaning of the text (which 
is not, however, very clearly expressed). Our author's 
account of these trials by ordeal in India diflfers both as 
to the actual ordeals, and the mode of procedure with 
them, from the descriptibns to be found in other works. 
Manu, for example, does not give either the weighing or the 
poison ordeal, but these are mentioned by other authorities, i 

< Manu VIII, 114; Alberuni Vol. ii, p. 1B9. 


Acts op salutation and bbverence. 

Our author next tells us about the ways of shewing 
respect and doing homage among the people of India. 
He relates— 

There are nine degrees in the etiquette of shewing respect. 
These are (1) greeting with a kind enquiry, (2) reverently bow- 
ing the head, (3) raising the hands to the head with an inclina- 
tion of the body, (4) bowing with the hands folded on the breast, 
(5) bending a knee, (6) kneeling with both knees (lit. kneeling 
long), (7) going down on the ground on hands and knees, (8) 
bowing down with knees, elbows, and forehead to the ground, 
(9) prostrating oneself on the earth. The performance of all 
these nine from the lowest to the highest is only one act of 
reverence. To kneel and praise the excellences [of the object] 
is said to be the perfection of reverence. If [the person doing 
homage] is at a distance he bows to the ground with folded 
hands, if near he kisses (lit. licks) the foot and rubs the ankle 
(say, of the king). All who are delivering messages or receiving 
orders tuck up their clothes and klleel down. The exalted 
person of distinction who receives the reverence is sure to have 
a kind answer, and he strokes the head or pats the back [of the 
person paying respect], giving him good words of advice to 
shew the sincerity of his afTection. Buddhist monks receiving 
the courtesies of respect only bestow a good wish. Kneeling is 
not the only way of doing worship. Many circumambulate any 
object of reverential service, making one circuit or three circuits, 
or as many as they wish if they have a special request in mind. 

Our author's statement here that the nine degrees of 
showing respect enumerated by him made one act of 
worship or reverence does not appear in Julian's trans- 
lation. The original is fan-ssu-chiu-teng-chi-wei-yi-pai (JL 
Xf Ai ^ 6b 'fi -' l!^-)> 3'^d Julien connecting this with the 
words which follow renders the whole thus — "La plus 
grande de ces demonstrations de respect consiste k s'age- 
nouiller devant. quelqu'un apres I'avoir salue une fois et a 
exalter ses vertues". This sentence cannot possibly be 
regarded as a translation of the text which Julien evidently 
did not understand. According to Yuan-chuang's state- 
ment there were nine degrees of showing respect but to 
go through all these constituted only one service of worship 


or reverence. Perhaps no one of the nine was ever per- 
formed alone as an act of respect, and we often find in 
Buddhist literature four or five actions performed to make 
one service of reverence. ^ But we may doubt whether 
the whole nine acts were often gone through as one act 
of worship. The Buddhist Brother, however, spoke of 
performing the chiu-pai or "nine reverences" to his abbott 
or other senior in religion. This phrase is found in 
popular literature, e. g. in the Shui-hu-chuan, and it is 
apparently sometimes used like our "your obedient humble 
servant". Although Yuan-chuang does not state so ex- 
pressly, yet his language seems to indicate that the refer- 
ence in this passage is to the reverence or worship paid 
to kings, great Brahmins, and the Buddha. It will be 
noticed that he does not make any mention of the signs 
of respect to a superior shewn by taking off one's shoes, 
or by uncovering the right shoulder. 

Sickness and Death. 

We have next a few particulars as to the ways in which 
the people of India treat their sick and dead. Our author 
tells us — 

Every one who is attacked by sickness has his food out off for 
seven days. In this interval the patient often recovers, but if 
he cannot regain his health he takes medicine. Their medicines 
are of various kinds, each kind having a specific name. Their 
doctors differ in medical skill and in prognostication. 

At the obsequies for a departed one [the relatives] wail and 
weep, rending their clothes and tearing out their hair, strik- 
ing their brows and beating their breasts. There is no distinction 
in the styles of mourning costume, and no fixed period of 
mourning. For disposing of the dead and performing the last 
rites there are three recognized customs. The first of these is 
cremation, a pyre being made on which the body is consumed. 
The second is water-burial, the corpse being put into a stream 
to float and dissolve. The third is burial .in the wilds, the body 
being cast away in the woods to feed wild animals. 

1 P'i-ni-mu-ching, ch. 4 (No. 1138); Life ch. Ill and Julien I, 
p. 144. 


When the sovereign dies the first thing is to place his suc- 
cessor on the throne in order that he may preside at the reli- 
gious services of the funeral and determine precedence. Meri- 
torious appellations are conferred on the living; the dead have 
no honorary designations. No one goes to take food in a family 
afflicted hy death, but after the funeral matters are again as 
usual and no one avoids [the family]. Those who attend a 
funeral are regarded as unclean, they all wash outside the city 
walls before entering [the city]. 

As to those who have become very old, and whose time of 
death is approaching, who are afflicted by incurable disease and 
fear that their goal of life has been reached, such persons are 
content to separate from this world, and desire to cast off 
humanity, contemptuous of mortal existence and desirous to be 
away from the ways of the world. So their relatives and friends 
give them a farewell entertainment with music, put them in a 
boat and row them to the middle of the Ganges that they may 
drown themselves in it, saying that they wilLbe born in Heaven ; 
one out of ten will not carry out his contemptuous views. 

The Buddhist Brethren are forbidden to wail aloud (i. e. over 
a departed one); on the death of a parent they read a service 
of gratitude; their "following the departed" and "being earnest 
about his death" are securing his bliss in the other world. 

The clause "one out of tien will not carry out his con- 
temptuous views" is a literal rendering of the original 
Shih-yu-ch'i-yi-wei-chin-pi-chien (+ ^ ^ — 5^ ft |R ^)- 
Julien, connecting the first part of this with what precedes 
and the latter part with what follows, translates — " On en 
compte un sur dix. 11 y en a Sautres qui, n'ayant pas 
encore complStement renonce aux erreurs du sihcle, sortent 
de la famille et adoptent la vie des religieux". The words 
which I have placed in italics are the translator's inter- 
polations, and the last clause is for the words Ch'u-chia- 
s^ng-chung which belong to the next sentence. This 
treatment of the text quite destroys its meaning. What 
the author states is that out of ten old men who declare 
that they are sick of life, and want to leave it, only one 
is found acting inconsistently at the critical moment, say- 
ing that he is sick of life, and yet shrinking from suicide 
by drowning in the Ganges. 

The Buddhist Brother, we are told, may not lament 


over the death of a parent, but he shews his grateful 
remembrance by a religious service, and his filial piety by 
obtaining for a deceased parent a happy hereafter. The 
expressions '^following the departed" and "being earnest 
about his death" are taken from the first chiian of the 
Lun-ytl. There Tseng-tzu says that "if there be earnest- 
ness about the death [of a parent] and a following of the 
departed one (i. e. parent) the moral character of the 
people will return to a state of thorough goodness". By 
"earnestness about the death of a parent" the Confucianist 
meant being careful to have aU the funeral rites duly 
observed; and by "following the departed parent" he 
meant keeping up the solemn services of worship to the 
deceased. These were services in which a man shewed 
his perfect filial piety, but the professed Buddhist, carried 
out his views of filial piety and a future state in securing 
to his parents happiness in other spheres of existence.^ 
To the Confucianist the death of a relative was the "end" 
of the relative, but to the Buddhist death was only a 
passing to another life. 

Revenue and Taxation. 

Our author next gives us a few particulars about the 
fiscal matters of Government in India. 

As the Government is generous official requirements are few. 
Families are not registered, and individuals are not subject to 
forced labour contributions. Of the royal land there is a four- 
fold division: one part is for the expenses of government and 
state worship, one for the endowment of great public servants, 
one to reward high intellectual eminence, and one for acquiring 
religious merit by gifts to the various sects. Taxation being 
light, and forced service being sparingly used, every one keeps 
to his hereditary occupation and attends to his patrimony. The 
king's tenants pay one sixth of the produce as rent. Tradesmen 
go to and fro liartering their merchandize after paying light 
duties at ferries and barrier stations. Those who are employed 
in the government service are paid according to their work. 
They go abroad on military service or they guard the palace; 

1 Lun-Yu, ch. 1. 


the summonses are issued according to circumstances and after 
proclamation of the reward the enrolment is awaited. Ministers 
of state and common officials all have their portion of land, and 
are maintained by the cities assigned to them. 

In this passage th*e words for "every one attends to 
his patrimony" are in the original chu-Vien-Tc^ou-fen {j^ 
■fffl P ^)> and Julien translates "tons cultivent la terre 
pour se nourrir". This is not a correct rendering of the 
words and is at variance with what follows about the 
traders. The koxt-fSn, in China was originally the farm 
of 100 mou given out of government lands to a married 
couple to maintain the family and keep up the ancestral 
worship. This farm was called lc'ou-f§n-shih-ye-chih-t'ien 
(n ^ iS H ;fc ffl) or "the arable land which is hereditary 
property for thiB maintenance of the family". Then Hen 
(■ftg) which means "to cultivate", means also "to administer" 
or "manage", and tHen-J^ou-f^n is "to look after the family 
property", k'ou-fin being used in a general sense. 

As to one sixth of the crop being paid by the king's 
tenants as rent we find mention of this in Manu and other 
authorities, i 

General peoducts of India. 

Our author now proceeds to tell us something of the 
commodities which India produces and first of its vege- 
table products. He writes — 

As the districts vary in their natural qualities they differ also 
in their natural products. There are flowers and herbs, fruits 
and trees of different kinds and with various names. There are, 
for example, of fruits the amra or mango, the amla or tamarind, 
the Madhaka (Bassia latifolia), the badara or Jujube, the kapittha 
or wood-apple, the amala or myrobalan, the tinduka or Dios- 
pyros, the udumbara or Ficus glomerata, the mocha or plantain, 
the narikela or Cocoa-nut, and the panasa or Jack-fruit. It is 
impossible to enumerate all the kinds of fruit and one can only 
mention in a summary way those which are held in esteem 
among the inhabitants. [Chinese] jujubes, chestnuts, green and 
red persimmons are not known in India. From Kashmir on, pears, 

I Manu VII. 130, 131, VIII. 308. 



plums, peaches, apricots, grapes are planted here and there; 
pomegranates and sweet oranges are grown in all the countries. 

As to agricultural operations, reaping the crops, preparing the 
soil (lit. ploughing and weeding), sowing and planting go on in 
their seasons according to the industry or laziness of the people. 
There is much rice and wheat, and ginger, mustard, melons, 
pumpkins, kunda (properly the olibanum tree) are also culti- 
vated. Onions and garlic are little used and people who eat 
them are ostracised. 

Milk, ghee, granulated sugar, sugar-candy, cakes aud parched 
grain with mustard-seed oil are the common food; and fish, 
mutton, venison are occasional dainties (lit. are occasionally 
served in joints or slices). The flesh of oxen, asses, elephants, 
horses, pigs, dogs, foxes, wolves, lions, monkeys, apes is forbidden, 
and those who eat such food become pariahs. 

There are distinctions in the use of their wines and other 
beverages. The wines from the vine and the sugar-cane are the 
drink of the Kshatriyas; the Vaisyas drink a strong distilled 
spirit; the Buddhist monks and the Brahmins drink syrup of 
grapes and of sugar-cane ; the low mixed castes are without any 
distinguishing drink. 

As to household necessaries there is generally a good supply 
of these of various qualities. But although they have different 
kinds of cooking implements they do not know the steaming 
boiler (i. e. they have not large boilers such as are used in large 
households in China). Their household utensils are. mostly 
earthenware, few being of brass. They eat from one vessel in 
which the ingredients are mixed up; they take their food with 
their fingers. Grenerally speaking spoons and chop-sticks are 
not used, except in cases of sickness when copper spoons are used. 

Gold, silver, Pu-shih (bronze?), white jade, and crystal lenses 
are products of the country which are very abundant. Rare 
precious substances of various kinds from the sea-ports (lit. sea- 
bays) are bartered for merchandize. But in the commerce of 
the country gold and silver coins, cowries, and small pearls are 
the media of exchange. 

The words "From Kashmir on" in the first paragraph 
of the above passage seem to mean "from Kashmir on 
towards China". But Julien understood the words in a 
very different sense and translated the passage containing 
them as follows' — "Depuis que les deux especes de poiriers 

' The words are.^ * t* ^ ft ^ ^ II Jfe fl 

35 fi ^if^m^m'&mnm^ «• 


U et nai, le pecher, ramandier, la vigne et autres arbres 
a fruits ont ete apportes du royaume de Oachemire, ou 
les voit croitre de tous cotes. Les grenadiers et les 
Grangers a fruits doux se cultivent dans tous les royaumes 
de I'Inde." In this, not to notice other faults, we have 
the words "ont ete apportes" interpolated to the serious 
detriment of the author's meaning. Yuan-chuang knew 
better than to state that pears, and plums, and the other 
fruits mentioned had been brought from Kashmir into 
India and there cultivated everywhere. Throughout the 
Records there is only, I believe, a single mention of any 
of these fruit-trees in India. This one instance is to be 
found in the account of Chi-na-^o-ti in Chuan IV (Julien 
II, p. 200), and there the peach and pear are represented 
as having been first introduced into India from China. In 
no account of India, so far as I know, down to the present 
time are the above trees enumerated among those grown 
commonly throughout the country. Ibn Batuta does not 
mention them and they are not given in Sir. W. Hunter's 
account of India. But they are grown in many countries 
between Kashmir and China, and in Chuan XII of the 
Records we find several instances mentioned. On the other 
hand pomegranates, which are said to grow wild in the 
Himalayan region, and sweet oranges have been extensively 
cultivated in India for many centuries. 





OuK pilgrim has now reached the territory which he, 
like others before and after him, calls India. But it 
is important to remember that the countries which he 
describes from Lan-p'o to Kajpur both inclusive were not 
regarded by the people of India proper as forming part 
of their territory. It was only by foreigners that these 
districts were included under the general name India. 
To the inhabitants of India proper the countries in question 
were "border lands" inhabited by barbarians. This was 
a fact known to Yuan-chuang, but he named and described 
these States mainly from infoimation obtained as he 
travelled. The information was apparently acquired chiefly 
from the Buddhist Brethren and believing laymen resident 
in these co\mtries. To these Buddhists Jambudvlpa was 
India and the miracles and ministrations of the Buddha 
extended over all the great region vaguely called Jambu- 
dvipa. Moreover the great foreign kings who had invaded 
India from the north had included these States in their 
Indian empire and the memory of these kings survived in 
the Buddhist religious establishments. 


From Eapis the pilgrim continued his journey going east 
above 600 H through a very mountainous region j then crossing 
a black range he entered the north of India and arrived in the 
Lan-p'o country. 


Yuan-chuang writes this name ^ j^, and this apparently 
is for him the name both of the country and its capital. 
Some other authors write ^ ^, > and the local pronun- 
ciation was perhaps something like Lampa or Lumba. 
The word is supposed to represent the old Sanskrit Lam- 
paka, and the Lawibatai of Ptolemy,* and the district has 
been identified with the modern Laghman (or Lughman), the 
Lamghanat of Baber. This emperor mentions the curious 
tradition which derives the name Lamghanat from Lam, 
father of Noah, whose tomb was supposed to be in the 
country. 3 But no probable explanation of the name 
Lampa (or Lumba) seems to hare been given, and the 
word is probably foreign, that is, non-Indian. 

Lampa is described by the pilgrims as being above 1000 ^t in 
circuit, having on the north the Snow mountains and on the 
other sides black ranges. 

Another writer of the T'ang period represents this 
country as of much greater dimensions than those here 
given and as extending on the north to Kunduz and lying 
west of the Wu-je-chih or Anavatapta Lake.* So also in 
Baber's time Lamghanat was a larg'e region of much 
greater extent than Yuan-chuang's Lampa or the modern 

The capital, Yuan-chuang tells us, was above ten li in circuit. 
For several centuries the native dynasty had ceased to exist, 
great families fought for preeminence, and the state had recently 
become a dependency of Kapis. The country produced upland 
rice and sugar-cane, and it had much wood but little fruit; the 
climate was mild with little frost and no snow; the inhabitants 
were very musical but they were pusillanimous and deceitful, 
ugly and ill-mannered; their clothing was chiefly of cotton 
{jpai-tieK^ and they dressed well. There were above ten Buddhist 
monasteries and a few Brethren the most of whom were Mahaya- 
nists. The non-Buddhists had a score or two of temples and 
they werer very numerous. 

1 See e. g. Sung-Shih, ch. 490. 

» A. G. I. p. 42: M<s Crindle's India from Ptolemy p.p. 104, 106. 

» Baber p. 141—143. 

* Fang-chih, eh. 1. 

182 LAMPA. 

In the common texts here the author is made to state 
that the non-Buddhists were very few, but the old reading 
is found in the A text, viz. to, "many" and it is evidently 
the right one. This reading moreover is confirmed by 
the Fang-chih which quoting from our pilgrim's accoimt 
of this country teUs us that in it "the non-Buddhists were 
remarkably numerous". 

Tliis country does not seem to have ever been much 
known to the Chinese generally ; and it is rarely mentioned 
even in the translations of the Buddhist books, or in the 
accounts of the travels and in the biographies of eminent 
worthies of the Buddhist religion. There was, however, 
at least one distinguished Buddhist scholar who is called 
a Brahmin from the Larapa country and who is recorded 
as having visited China. This pious and learned Brother, 
we are informed, in the year A.D. 700 assisted in the 
translation from Sanskrit into Chinese of a celebrated 
treatise of magical invocations.* Lampa was evidently a 
district of some importance and it may have been known 
by some native or local name. 


The pilgrim, according to the narrative in the Eecords, pro- 
ceeded from Lampa south-east above 100 li, crossing a high 
mountain and a large river, and reached the Na-kie(ka)-lo-ho 

The Life here represents Yuan-chuang as going south 
from Lampa and crossing a small range on which a tope 
to commemorate the spot at which the Buddha having 
travelled on foot from the south rested on arriving in 
these regions. Then the Life makes the pilgrim continue 
his journey from this range still going southward for above 

' The title of this treatise is "Pu-k'ung-chiian-so-t'o-lo-ni-ching" 
(Bun. No. 314). The translator's name is given as Li-wu-t'ao and he 
is called a brahmin of Lan-p'o in "North India". It is doubtful, 
however, whether the Chinese text of No. 3i4 was actually the work 
of this man ; see the note appended to the work. See also Su-ku- 
chin-yi-ching-t'u-chi (No. 1488). 


twenty li, descending the hills and crossing a river into 
the Na-ka-lo-ho country. 

This country, -which we may suppose to have been called 
by a name like Nagar, is one of considerable interest; and 
as the account given of it in the Records and the Life 
is peculiar, and rather puzzling, it may be useful to exa- 
mine the account at some length. 

In the Kecords Yuan-chuang describes Nagar as being above 
600 li (about 120 miles) from east to west and 250 or 260 li 
(about 50 mUes) from north to south. The country was sur- 
rounded on all sides by high mountains steep and difficult of 
passage. Its capital was above 20 li in circuit, but there was 
no king and the State was a province of Eapis. Grain and 
fruits were produced in abundance, the climate was mild, the 
people were of good character, courageous, slighting wealth 
and esteeming learning, reverencing Buddha and having little 
faith in other religious systems. But although there were 
many Buddhist establishments the Brethren were very few. 
There were five Deva-Temples and above 100 professed non- 

About two li to the east (in the Life, south-east) of the capital 
stood a great stone tope above 300 feet high which had mar- 
vellous sculptures. Close to this tope on the west side was a 
vihara and adjoining the vihara on the south was a small tope. 
The former of these two topes was said to have been built by 
king Asoka at the place where Sakya F'usa, having spread in 
the mud his deer-skin mantle and his hair for Dipankara Buddha, 
received from the latter the prediction of Buddhahood. At the 
periodic annihilations and restorations of the world the traces 
of this incident are not effaced, and on fast days showers of 
flowers descend on the spot, which is regarded with great reverence. 
The small tope was at the spot where the mantle and hair were 
spread on the mud, [the other tope] having been erected by 
king Asoka in a retired place oflF the highway. 

Yuan-chuang next takes us into "the city" and tells us of the 
foundations which still remained of the grand tope which, he 
was informed, had once contained a tooth-relic of the Buddha. 
Close to these was a remarkable small tope of unknown origin, 
and popularly supposed to have come down out of space. The 
narrative in our text next takes us to a tope above ten li 
south-west of "the city". This tope marked the spot at which 
the Buddha alighted from his aerial voyage from Mid-India to 
this country. Near the tope of the Descent on the east side 
was another tope to commemorate the spot at which, on the 


occasion of the meeting, the P'usa bought five lotus flowers for 
an offering to Dipankara Buddha. 

Continuing in a south-western direction from "the city", and 
at a distance of above twenty H from it, the pilgrim takes us 
to a small range of rocky hills containing a stone monastery 
with lofty halls and tiers of chambers aU silent and unoccupied. 
Within the grounds of this establishment was a tope 200 feet 
high built by king Asoka. 

Going on again south-west from this monastery we come to 
a ravine with a torrent the banks of which were steep rocks. 
In the east bank was the cave inhabited by the Gopala dragon, 
very dark and with a narrow entrance, and with water trickling 
from the rock to the path. In this cave the Buddha had left 
his shadow or rather a luminous image of himself in the rock, 
once a clear and perfect resemblance, but at the period of our 
pilgrim's visit to the district the wonderful likeness was only 
dimly visible and only at certain times and to certain persons. 
Outside the Shadow Cave were two square stones on one of 
which was a light-emitting impress of the Buddha's foot. On 
either side of the Shadow Cave were other caves which had 
been used by the Buddha's great disciples as places for ecstatic 
meditation (samadhi). In the immediate neighbourhood of the 
Shadow Cave also the pilgrim found various topes and other 
objects associated with the Buddha's personal visit to this 

Following the narrative in the Records we have now to return 
to "the city"- Starting again from it and going in a south-east 
direction for above thirty li we come to a city called Si-lo (or 
He-h). This city, which was four or five li in circuit had a 
strong elevated situation with chairming gardens and ponds. 
Within it was a two-storeyed buUding in which were carefully 
preserved the UshnTsha-bone of tite Buddha, his skull, one of 
his eyes, his mendicant's staff, and' one of his clerical robes. To 
the north of this Belic-house was a wonder-working tope which 
could be shaken by a touch of the finger. 

There are one or two discrepancies between the account 
here given and that in the Life. Thus in the Records 
the Buddha comes to Nagar country through the air and 
alights at a spot ten li south-west from "the city", but in 
the Life he arrives on foot at a place north of Nagar. 
Then as to Hilo, the Life differs from the Records in 
placing this city at about 12 li distance south-east from 
the Flowers Tope. 


The Nagar of our text, it is agreed, is represented by 
the region in modern times called Nungnehar, that is, 
Nine Rivers. In Baber's time Nungnihar, "in many 
histories written Nekerhar", was a tuman of Lamghan 
(Lampa).i The Nagar country thus included the present 
district of Jelalabad, the Talley of the Cabul River from 
Darunta on the west to Mirza Kheyl on the east and, 
according to M' Simpson, it "might reach from about 
Jugduluck to the Khyber".^ Our text makes Yuan-chuang 
visit two cities of this country, the capital and Hilo the 
former capital. As to the latter all investigators seem to 
be agreed that the Hilo of Yuan-chuang and the other 
pilgrims is represented by the modern Hidda (or Heida 
or Hada), a place situated about five miles south of 

As to the site of the city called Nagar supposed to 
have been the capital of the country "in the Buddhist 
period" there is some diversity of opinion. The Na-kie 
(ka)-lo-ho of Yuan-chuang is evidently the Na-kie(ka) of 
Fa-hsien who uses the name for city and country. It is 
also the Na-kie city and the Na-ka-lo-ho of the Sung-yim 
narrative in the "Ka-lan-chi", and also the Na-kie of a 
Vinaya treatise translated in A.D. 378.3 

Julien makes Na-ka-lo-ho stand for Nagarahara, and in 
a note he tells us that in the Sung annals we find Nang- 
go-lo-ho-lo which answers exactly to the Indian ortho- 
graphy furnished by the jnsCription discovered by Captain 
Kittoe. Julien is of course followed, and his identification 
accepted, by subsequent writers; and on his and Lassen's 
authority the P. W. gives Nagarahara as the name of a 
kingdom. But this word cannot be made out of Yuan- 
chuang's four characters which apparently give the full 
name. Then as to Nang-go-lo-ho-lo the writer in the 

1 Baber p. 141. 

2 J. R. A. S. Vol. xiii. Art. VII. 

' Fo-kuo-chi, ch. 13; Ka-lan-dhi, ch. 5; Pi-ni-ye-ching (the "Chie- 
yin-yuan-ohing". Bun. No. 1130). 


"Sung Shi" quotes a Buddhist monk who evidently wrote 
without knowledge. The passage referred to by Julien 
puts UdySna, which was immediately to the north of 
Gandhara, twelve days' journey to the east of that counti-y. 
Then it places Gandhara at a distance of twenty days' 
journey eastward from Nang-go-lo-ho-lo and it makes the 
latter to be ten days' journey to the east of Lampa. ' But 
Yuan-chuang's Nagar was only five or six days' journey 
north-west from Gandhara and about twenty miles south 
or south-east from Lampa. Thus Nang-go-lo-ho-lo does 
not agree with Nagar either in distances or directions 
and its situation is imaginary and impossible. Then the 
Nagarahara of Kittoe's Sanskrit inscription of about the 
gtii or 9"" century is evidently not the Nagar of Yuan- 
chuang and the other Chinese pilgrims. The inscription 
represents Vlradeva, son of Indra Gupta a Brahman of 
Bengal, as becoming a Buddhist and going to the "holy 
convent called Kanishka" (^rimat Kanishkam upagamya 
maha-viharam) in Nagarahara.2 Now there is no mention 
by any of the pilgrims of a great Kanishka monastery in 
Nagar, city or country. But there was a celebrated one 
in Gandhara near Purushapur and the Nagarahara of the 
Kittoe inscription is evidently the Gandhara country. 

Cunningham places the capital of Yuan-chuang's Nagar 
"at Begram, about two miles to the west of Jalalabad".' 
Saint Martin supposes it to have been a little to the west 
of this Begram. M' Simpson, who writes after careful 
inspection and study of the locality, places the site of the 
Nagar capital west of Begram on a rocky elevation at 
the junction of the Surkhab and Cabul rivers. No one 
of these identifications meets all the requirements of the 
descriptions, but each is supported to a certain extent by 
the statements in the B,ecord8. 

If we take the narrative in the Eecords and read it in 

1 Sung-Shih, 1. c. 

2 J. A. S. Ben. Vol. xvii, p. 494. 
' A. G. I. p. 44. 


connection with that in the Life we find that there were 
three cities in this district visited by the pilgrim. These 
are the capital, the city of the Dipankara Buddha, and 
Hilo the city of the Ushijisha relic. Now as the Records 
make mention of only the first and third of these by name 
it may perhaps be taken for granted that Yuan-chuang 
mixed up in his mind the first and second when writing 
out his notes. So the term "the city" seems to stand 
sometimes for the capital but more frequently for the city 
of Dipankara. The confusion apparently affected the 
compilers of the Life also. 

Combining the two narratives we find that Yuan-chuang 
on entering the country apparently went directly towards 
the capital. This he describes, as has been stated, as 
"above 20 li [in circuit]". The word Ohou for "in circuit" 
is found only in the D text, but some such term is needed 
and the use of Chou agrees with Yuan-chuang's usual way 
of describing towns and districts. Th3 reader will observe, 
however, that we are not told anything about the natural 
and artificial characteristics of the capital, about its 
situation or surroundings. This silence is very extra- 
ordinary if we regard the city to have been on the site 
proposed and described by M^ Simpson, 

Now the description of the place which this explorer 
gives seems to be that of a fortress rather than a city. 
And Nagar was perhaps at this time a strong fortress, 
and it was called the capital because it was the official 
residence of the Governor appointed by the king of Kapis. 
Yuan-chuang apparently did not enter this city as he 
begins his description of the sacred objects of the country 
with those outside of "the capital". The last character 
in Yuan-chuang's Na-ka-lo-ho may stand for kot which 
means a fortress, and names like Nagkot, Nagarkot are 
met with in several regions of "North India", i The Nagar 
of our text may be the Nagarkot which Alberuni mentions 
as containing the annals of the Shah dynasty of Kabul. 

1 See e. g. Nagarkot in Alberuni, Vol. ii, p. 11. 

188 dipaskaba's city. 

Moreover the Adinaptir of Baber was apparently on the 
site of Yuan-chuang's Nagar (or Nagar-kot) and it was a 
fort. Baber describes the fort as "situated on an eminence, 
which, towards the river, is forty or fifty gez (100 feet or 
upwards), in perpendicular height", a description which 
agrees with that given by M' Simpson of the Nagar rock. 
This fort Baber tells us was the official residence of the 
darogha or commandant of the district. 

Let us now substitute "Nagar fortress" for "the Capital" 
and "the city" in the first part of the pilgrim's narrative. 
We find then that the great Asoka tope was about two 
li or nearly half a mile to the east (or south-east) of the 
fortress. Turning to Masson and Simpson we find that 
they give a tope called "Nagara Goondee" which is 
apparently about three furlongs to the east or south-east 
of the Nagar rock.* 

From the Flower Tope near the Asoka Tope the pilgrim, 
according to the Life, set out south-east for Hilo, the 
city of the Ushnlsha relic. On the way apparently, but 
this is not quite clear, he learns of the Gopala Dragon 
cave with the miraculous likeness of the Buddha. Wishing 
to visit this, Yuan-chuang had to go out of his way to the 
Teng-kuang (|§ %) city in order to obtain a guide. The 
term T6ng-kuang is used to translate the word Dipankara, 
name of a very early Buddha, but we need not suppose 
that it represents the name of the city. Now the Teng- 
kuang city was apparently that called Na-kie(ka) by 
previous pilgrims, and it was apparently a little to the 
west of the site of the modem Jelalabad. One name for 
it was Padmapur or Lotus city. This is given by some 
Chinese as Hua-shi-cUeng, or Flower City; and it is said 
to be another name for the capital of the Nagar country. 
A more common name for Dipankara's City in Buddhist 
books is Dipavati from dipa, a torch or light. We may 
for the present, however, use Padmapur to represent the 
name of the city, as we have no means of knowing what 

1 Massou's Ar. Ant. p. 100 et al. 


the name actually was, that is, supposing it not to have 
been simply Nagar. 

This Padmapur then, let us assume, was the Na-ka city 
which had the ruins of the Tooth-tope, a tope which had 
been seen by Fa-hsien in perfect condition. It was this city 
also from which Hilo was distant about 30 li to the south- 
east. Then from it Yuan-chuang went south-west to the 
Shadow-Cave, and from this south-east to Hilo. 

Now going &om Padmapur south-west at a distance of 
above 20 li was a small rocky hill which had a great 
Buddhist monastery with an Asoka tope above 200 feet 
high. This monastery and tope may be represented by 
the ruins at Gunda Chismeh of M' Simpson's map, "the 
smooth rounded mound of a tope and the rectangular 
mound of a vihara". Some distance from this on the east 
bank of a torrent was the Dragon's cave with the luminous 
picture of the Buddha on the rock. Fa-hsien places the 
cave about half a Tojana south from the Nakie city. 
His words are "Half a Yojana south of Nakie city is a 
cave as you foUow the course of the hiUs towards the south- 
west". The words in italics are for the Chinese t^ |lj W 
^ ify which our translators understood to mean a great 
mountain towards the south-west. The phrase poh-shan is 
certainly used in the sense of a "great mountaiu" and 
this is its proper meaning. Here, however, as in some 
other cases the construction seems to require that the 
words be taken in the sense of going along a hill (or 
series of hills). This word poh is probably, as has been 
stated already, the poh of hui-poh (^ J||) of Chuan I of 
these Records, and also the poh (^) of various passages 
in the Fo-kuo-chi and other works. 

There does not seem to be any satisfactory explanation 
of the names Nagar and Hilo. If the former be for 
Nagara its memory may be kept up in the modern 
designation Begram which like Nagara means a "city". 
Or the syllable Nag or Nak may possibly be for the 
Indian word naga which denotes the sun, a snake, a 
mountain, an el^hant. Masson says that the old name 


for the country was Ajuna and Saint Martin and Cun- 
ningham think this word may be a corruption of another 
old name for it, viz. Udyanapur or "the city of the 
Garden". But no one seems to give any authority for 
this last old name and it is apparently unknown to Chinese 
authors and translators. It may be added that this district 
is referred to in some Chinese books as in the Yue-shi 
(Getse) coimtry of North India. It is also called Fe-p'o- 
kan-t'e (H jjj ^ P£)j that is perhaps, Yavakanda, and it 
is said to be to the west of Udyana. 

As to Hilo, Cunningham would have us regard this 
word as a transposition of the Sanskrit word Hadda, 
meaning a "bone". But there were several Hilos in North 
India, and the relic supposed to have given the name is 
not called in Sanskrit by any term containing a word for 
"bone". It was the Ushnisha of the Buddha that Hilo 
contained along with other relics of the Buddha. Some 
Chinese translators, it is true, call the relic "the bone of 
the top of Buddha's head," but others give a different 
rendering, or keep the original word. The full name and 
some of the translations will be given a few pages farther 
on. We may perhaps regard the name in our text as for 
Hila which was probably a local pronunciation for Sila. 
This word means a rock or rocky eminence, and the name 
suits the description of the place. 


From the account given of the Nagar country by our 
pilgrim we see that the district had several objects of 
attraction to a Buddhist. The principal of these objects 
were the mementos of the P'usa's meeting with Dipankara 
Buddha, the luminous image of Gautama Buddha in the 
Dragon's cave, and his Ushriisha-bone. A few additional 
observations about each of these may be of interest to 
the student. 

The story of the P'usa in an exceedingly remote period 
of time in his existence as a Brahman student meeting 
the Dipankara Buddha and giving him worship and service 


is a well known one. It is found in the Sanskrit Maha- 
Tastu ' and Divyavadana,^ in the Pali Jatakas,* and in 
several forms in Chinese translations from Indian ori- 
ginals. No one of all these treatises, so far as I know, 
places the scene of this meeting in a country called Nagar. 
In the different accounts various names are given to the 
city of the incident. Thus it is called Eammanagara (or 
Rammavati or Rammagama).^ This would seem to point 
to Ayodhya, the modern Oudh, but the Jataka places 
Eamma-city in "the frontier -territory". The city is also 
called Dipavati or Dipavat^ from dlpa, a ligM. It is also 
Padma-pura or Lotos-city, in Chinese Lien-hua-ch'eng or 
Hua-shi-ch'eng.6 The last name means simply Flower city 
and it is properly applied to Patalipur. It is said, how- 
ever, as has been seen; to be an old name for Nagar city 
and it was given on account of the Lotus Ponds of the 

The P'usa as brahmin student, variously named Megha, 
Su-medha and otherwise, on his way to see Dipankara 
Buddha met a maiden cariying seven lotus flowers for the 
service of a shrine in the palace grounds. The P'usa 
bargained with the maiden for five of her flowers that he 
might have them to throw on the Buddha as he passed 
in procession. At the spot where the flowers were bought, 
an act involving great consequences in the distant futui'e, 
king Asoka had built a tope. It is remarkable that the 
Pali Jataka does not make any mention of the purchase 
and offering of the lotus flowers. 

Then there was the place at which the P'usa spread 
out his deer-skin mantle and his hair on the muddy road 

1 Mahavastu T. I, p. 193. 

2 Divyav. p. 246. 

3 Rhys Davids' Birth Stories p. 7 ; Bigandet's Legend, Vol. i, p. 7. 
« Mahavamsa Int. p. XXXII. 

s Yin-kuo-ching (Bun. No. 666). 

' Fo-shuo-t'ai-tzii-sui-ying-pen-chi-ching, ch. 1 (Bun. No. 665); 
Tseng-yi-a-han-ohing, eh. 11 (Bun. No. 543) ; Hsing-ohi-ching, ch'. 2, 3 
(Bun. No. 680). 


to preserve Dipankara's feet from being defiled. On the 
road by which this Buddha was proceeding to the capital 
on this memorable occasion were several dirty muddy 
places which the people were trying to make clean. The 
brahmin student, at his own request, was allowed to put 
right a hollow in the road made by running water. Un- 
able to fill up this muddy gap on the approach of the 
Buddha, he spread out in it his deerskin mantle, and then 
lay down prostrate with his long hair spread out for the 
Buddha to step on. Though the world had passed away 
and been renewed since the time of Dipankara and Megha 
(or Sumati) yet the depression in the road remained visible, 
being renewed with the renewal of the world. Close to 
the spot was a small tope of great antiquity, the successor 
of the original wooden stake, and not far from it was a 
very magnificent tope built by king Asoka. 

This myth of the P'usa and the Dipankara Buddha 
seems to be very unbuddhistical, and its origin should 
perhaps be sought outside of religion. We remember that 
one of Gotama's royal ancestors was a king Dipankara 
who with "his sons and grandsons also twelve royal princes 
governed their great kingdom in Takkasila best of towns." i 
A picture of this king, with a conquered chief prostrate 
before him, may have suggested the story. Such a picture 
may be seen in Plate VII fig. 5 of the "Ariana Antiqua." 
Compare with this the illustration of Dipankara and the 
P'usa in Burgess's "Buddhist Cave Temples" p. 66. Here 
the Buddha does not tread on the hair of the prostrate 
devotee at his side. The story is explained by some as 
originally an allegory to express Gautama's resolve to 
undergo all things in this world of impurities in order to 
obtain perfect wisdom and teach the way thereof to mortal 
creatures. A simpler theory is that the brahmin student 
laid down his deer-skin mantle and his hair before the 
Buddha to declare to the latter the student's resolve to 
give up Brahminism and become a professed Buddhist. 

1 DlpaTamsa p. 131. 


As such he must shave his head and cease to wear gar- 
ments made of the skins of animals. 


According to Yuan-chuang's account the Gopala-Dragon 
cave, with the likeness of the Buddha shining at times in 
the rock opposite the entrance, was on the east side of a 
torrent among the heights to the south-west of the Nagar, 
that is, the Padma city. M' Simpson thinks that the 
range of hills which extends from the Ahin Posh Tope 
south of Jelalabad south-west to Sultanpur does not suit 
Yuan-chuang's description of the surroundings of this cave. 
But his objections seem to be based mainly on the oc- 
currence of the words cascade and mountain in the trans- 
lations. There is nothing, however, corresponding to either 
of these terms in the original either of the Life or Ee- 
cords. The road from the city was a bad one and 
dangerous, but it led to a hamlet with a monastery. Not 
far from this, above the steep bank of a foaming torrent, 
was the cave. 

The Gopala Dragon of this cave, Yuan-chuang tells us, 
and the story seems to be his only, was originally a 
cowherd in this district at the time of the Buddha. 
Annoyed at a reproof from the king he vowed terrible 
vengeance. Then going to the Tope of Prediction he 
prayed to become a dragon; and immediately fulfilled his 
prayer by committing suicide, and returning to the world 
as a malignant demon determined to make havoc. Hear- 
ing of his spiteful cruel designs, the Buddha came through 
the air from Mid-India, converted the dragon, and left 
him a luminous likeness of himself immanent in the inner 
rock of his cave. Yuan-chuang saw the likeness of the 
Buddha and a great deal more. According to the tra- 
dition the Buddha was alone in the cave when he caused 
his likeness to go into the rock, but Yuan-chuang saw 
also in the wonderful manifestation the P'Usas and saints 
who attended the Buddha in his ministrations. 



In the "Ka-lan-chi" the narrative at the part about the 
Nagar country has this statement — "On to Xil-lo-lo-lu, 
saw the cave of Buddha's shadow, advancing 15 paces into 
the hill, the entrance facing west". Burnouf, who treats 
this short passage as corrupt, makes "Gopala Cave" out 
of the four Chinese characters represented in the above 
transcription. This he effects by treating the first lo as 
a mistake for p'o and the last character lu as a mistake 
for chil, a deer for a cave as lie represents it. But if we 
take the Chinese characters as we find them they give us 
Kulala-lok, that is, the Pottery people. Now this reminds 
us of an interesting passage in the Chinese version of the 
Life of King Asoka.'' There Yasa tells the king how the 
Buddha, just before his death, converted the Dragon-king 
Apalala, the Potter, and the Chandala Dragon-king. 
Burnouf translating from the Sanskrit text of this passage 
has "the potter's wife the Chandali Gopali" while the 
editors of the Divyavadfina treat Kumbhakari (Potter's wife) 
as a proper name. 2 

With reference to this cave and its surroundings the 
following passage from the "Ariana Antiqua" may be found 
of some interest — "Tracing the skirts of the Siah koh, is a 
road leading from Bala Bagh to Daruuta, and thence across 
the river of Kabul and Jelalabad to Lagliman. From Bala 
Bagh to the ferry atDarunta may be a distance of seven miles. 
At about five miles on this road, comiug from Bala Bagh, 
we meet the topes of Kotpur, situated a little on our right 
hand. The first is in the midst of cultivation about one 
hundred yards from the road; a deep ravine, through 
which flows a stream derived from the Surkh E,ud (red 
river), separates it from its two companions. These stand 
on a dak, or barren level, overspread with fragments of 

1 A-yii-wang-ching, ch. 2 (No. 1343). lu ch. 6 of this treatise the 
chandala Dragon-king is called Ku-p'o-lo (Go]iala), and in ch. 1 of 
the "A-yu-wang-ohuan'' he is the "Ox-Dragon" of Gandhavat. In 
the "Tsa-a-haii-ching", ch. 23 (No. 544) Buddha subdues the dragon 
Apalala, "the potter chandala", and the Gopali dragon. 

2 Bur. Int. p. 377: Divyav. p. 348. See Legge's 'Fa Hian', p. 29. 


potter's ware; and here coins, rings, and other relics are 
sometimes, found. The spot was, therefore, an ancient 
place of sepulchie."^ In the 'Life of Asoka', however, the 
Gopala cave is located in Gandhara. 

In another Chinese Buddhist work we learn that the 
Buddha once went to "North India" to the Yue-shi 
(Getse) country and thence to the west of this. Here he 
overcame a fierce wicked Rakshasi, spent a night in her 
cave, and left his shadow on a rock in it like that in the 
Gopala cave.2 In another Buddhist treatise, moreover, 
there is mention of a district called Na-kie-lo or Na-kie- 
han (or a)-lo. Here also was a rakshasi cave, and Buddha 
came from India to convert the rakshasi and left his 
luminous image in the cave.' This cave was in the side 
of the mountain Ansu, in the Champak grove of the old 
rishi, close to a Dragon's lake, and north of the Blue- 
Lotus fountain. The district in which this cave was 
situated was evidently not the Nagar country of oxir 
pilgrim. He also mentions two other caves with luminous 
images of Buddha in other parts of India. 

There is also something not quite clear in his location 
of the cave in Nagar. He seems to describe it as in the 
east bank of a torrent, yet he tells us that there was to 
the west of it a large flat stone on which the Buddha 
spread his robe to dry. According to Fa-hsien also there 
was a tope, 100 paces west of the cave, which was made 
by Buddha and his disciples as a pattern. Near this, 
moreover, was a monasteiy with above 700 monks in it, 
of which Yuan-chuang does not make mention. 


The next of the great objects of interest to Buddhists 
in this country was the Ushriisha-bone of the Buddha in 

1 Ar. Ant. p. 64. The conclusion drawn in the last sentence of 
this passage is not quite justiiied by the premises. 

2 Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch. 9 (Bun. No. 1169). 

3 Kuan-Fo-san-mei-hai-ching, ch. 7 (No. 430). 


Hilo. This is called by Yuan-chuang and the other pil- 
grims Buddha's ting-ku (J^ >§') or Bone of the top of the 
head. The Sanskrit term is Ushnlsha-sirshas or Ushnisha- 
^iraskata. As to the latter part of these compounds there 
is no douht, the words being from siras, the head. But 
in the literature of India the word ushnisha has two 
meanings. (1) the hair done up into a coil on the top of 
the head and (2) a peculiar kind of turban or other head- 
dress. But the Buddhas cut off their hair and did not 
wear caps or turbans.* So a new use was given to the 
term in Buddhism, and it was applied to the cranial pro- 
tuberance which was one of the thirty-two distinguishing 
marks of a Buddha. This protuberance was supposed to 
be a sort of abnormal development of the upper surface 
of the skull into a small truncated cone covered with flesh 
and skin and hair. But some, like Yuan-chuang, regarded 
it as a separate formation on, but not a part of, the top 
of the skull. This Ushnlsha-Sirsha among the Buddhists 
was one of the thirty-two marks not only of a Buddha 
but also of a Chakravartin and a Maha-purusha. But, 
as Senart has pointed out, it is not in the list of the 
signs of the Great Man (Maha-purusha) in Brahminical 
writings such as the "Brihat Samliita".2 

According to Yuan-chuang's description the Ushnisha 
in Hilo was 

twelve inches in circumference, with the hair-pores distinct, and 
of a yellowish white colour. It was kept in a casket deposited 
in the small tope made of the seven precious substances which 
was in the second storey of the decorated Hall. Pilgrims made 
a fragrant plaster, and with it took a cast of the upper surface 
of the bone; and according to their Karma read in the traces 
on the plaster their weal or their woe. 

In .addition to the term already given as a rendering 
for Ushnisha there are several other Chinese translations 

' In Max Muller's Dharma-samgraha p. 54 ttshnisha is translated 
by "Cap". This rendering is not supported by any Buddhist authority, 
and it is at variance with the descriptions and explanations given 
in the Buddhist books. 

2 Essai sur la leg. du Bud. p. 111. 


or interpretations of the Sanski-it word. Thus we have 
ting-jou-chi (]g ^ M) that is, "the flesh top-knot on the 
top of the head", and ju-chi-Jcu or "the bone of the flesh 
top-knot."' The Buddha is also described as having, as 
one of the thirty-two marks, "on the top of his head the 
ushnlsha like a deva sun-shade",^ or as having "on the 
top of his head the ushnlsha golden skull-top bone";3 and 
we also read that on the top of the Buddha's head is 
"manifested the ushnlsha", that is, manifested occasionally 
as a miraculous phenomenon. It is also stated that the 
ushnlsha is not visible to the eyes of ordinary beings.* 

Nearly two hundred years before Yuan-chuang's time 
a Chinese pilgrim by name Chih-meng (^ ^J) had seen, 
it is recorded, the Ushnisha-bone along with other relics 
of the Buddha in Kapilavastu, but this must be regarded 
as a mistake of a copyist, s Two later pilgrims Tao-lin 
and Hsiian-chao, the latter a contemporary of Yuan- 
chuang, visited Kapis and there paid reverence to the 
ushnlsha or skull-top bone of the Buddha.^ By Kapis 
we are probably to understand Nagar then a part of the 
Kapis kingdom. Then a century after Yuan-chuang's time 
Wu-k'ung went to see "Sakya Juki's skull- top bone (or 
Ushnlsha) relic" in the city of G-andhara.' 

It is interesting to observe that we do not find mention 
of any Buddhist monks as being concerned in any way 
with this precious relic. Fa-hsien, indeed, places it in a 
ching-sM or temple, but this was apparently only the name 
which he gave to the building because it contained the 
relic. Yuan-chuang does not make mention of any sacred 

1 Hsing-ohi-ching, ch. 9 : Kuan-Fo-san-mei-hai-ching, ch. 1, where 
the ting-shang-jou-chi is one of the 32 marks of a ta-cliang-fv, {-j^ '^ ^) 

2 Fa-chi-ming-shu-ching (No. 812). 

3 Chung-hsu-ching, ch. 3 (No. 859). 

4 Ta-ming-san-tsang-fa-shu, ch. 48 (No. 1621). 
<• Kao-seng-chuan, ch. 3. 

« Hsi-yii-ch'in, ch. 1, 2. 

7 Shih-li-ching, and J. A. T. VI, p. 357. 


building; he refers only to a tall two-storey building and 
this is apparently the high two-storeyed Hall of Fa-hsien. 
The latter pilgrim also mentions the small tope of the 
seven precious substances in which the casket containing 
the ushnisha was kept. This little tope is described by 
Fa-hsien as being moreover free, opening and shutting, and 
about five feet in height.' 

The official custodians of the relic paid all expenses by 
charging the devout pilgrims according to a fixed tariff 
for seeing the relic, and for also taking an impression of 
its upper surface in clay or wax, and they acted in like 
manner with the other Buddha relics under their care. 

The "Bone of the top of Buddha's skull", in shape 
like a wasp's nest or the back of the arched hand, 
which was shown to believing pilgrims in Hilo was of 
course an imposture. It was perhaps the polished skull- 
cup of some ancient Sakian chief preserved originally as 
an heir-loom. 2 We have seen that a segment of the 
Buddha's skull-bone was preserved as a sacred relic in 
the Kapis country. 


The pilgrim's narrative in the Records proceeds to relate that 
"from this" (that is, from somewhere near the site of the modern 
Jelalabad) he went south-east among hills and valleys for above 
500 li and came to the Kan-fo-lo (Gandhara) Country. This 
country was above 1000 li from east to west and above 800 li 
north to south, reaching on the east to the Sin (in the D text, 

> Po-kuo-chi, ch. XIII. The term which is here rendered by "free" 
is chie-foh (^ JJ). In the translations of the passage the, chie- 
t'oh-Pa becomes "tours de delivrance", "Final emancipation tower". 
and "Vimoksha tope". Nothing is known of such topes or towers; 
and there is no meaning in the translations. A chie-t'oh-t'a is a 
tope, not closed up, but provided with a door opening and shutting 
as required. Other topes containing relics were securely fastened, 
but this one was released from the bonds of solid masonry so far 
as the relic was concerned. 

2 It was made of flesh and bone, was of the capacity of the 
hollow of the hand, of a dark colour, round, and very beautiful. 
(Abhi-ta-vib. ch. 177). 


Sin-tu) river. The capital Pu-lu-sha-pu-lo (Purushapur) was 
above 40 li in circuit; the royal family was extinct and the 
country was subject to Kapis; the towns and villages were 
desolate and the inhabitants were very few; in one comer of 
the royal city (Kung-ch'Sng) there were above 1000 families. The 
country had luxuriant crops of cereals and a profusion of fruits 
and flowers; it had much sugar-cane and produced sugar-candy. 
The climate was warm with scarcely any frost or snow; the 
people were faint-hearted,, and fond of the practical arts; the 
majority adhered to other systems of religion, a few being 

The Kan-Vo-lo of this passage is doubtless the Gandhara 
or Gandhara of Indian writers. In a Chinese note we 
are told that the old and incorrect name was Gandhavat 
{Kan-t^o-wei) and that the country was in "North India". 
But in several Chinese treatises Kan-Po-wei or the short 
form Kan-t'o is the designation of a large and rather 
vague region which does not always correspond to the 
Gandhara of our pilgrim. Thus Fa-hsien, for example, 
uses it to denote a city and district in this region quite 
distinct from the Purushapur district. > In the Ka-lan-chi 
we find Gandha, and also Gandhara, used to designate 
both a city and the country in which the city was situated.2 
The Wei-Shu places the district of Gandha to the west 
of Udyana and makes it quite distinct from Kapin.^ Then 
Gandhavat and Gandhara are names of a vague "north 
country" in which was the inexhaustible treasure-store of 
the naga-raja Elapatra."* In some books we find Gandhara 
associated with Kapin (Kashmir) either as a part of the 
latter or as a neighbouring state. Thus the apostle 
Madhyantika was deputed to go to "Kapin Gandharas cha", 
and here I think the syllable die (or cha) in the Chinese 
translations stands for the Sanskrit word cha meaning 

> Po-kuo-chi, ch. 12., 

2 Ch. 5. 

3 Ch. 102. 

4 See A-na-pin-ti-hua-ch'i-tzii-ching (No. 649): Tseng-yi-a-han- 
chin, ch. 49 (No. 543): Fo-shuo-Mi-le-ta-oh'eng-Fo-ching (No. 209): 
Divyav. p. 61. 


"and".! In Wu-k'ung's 'Itinerary' Gandhara is described 
as the eastern capital of Kapin, the winter residence of 
the king of that country, but to the west of Kashmir.* 
The name Gandhara is an old one in Buddhist literature 
and it is found in one of the Asoka Edicts.' It is inter- 
preted in some places as meaning "Earth-holder",* but 
while there is a Sanskrit word dhara meaning "holding" 
there does not seem to be any Sanskrit word like gan 
meaning "Earth". Taken as Gandhavat the name is ex- 
plained as meaning hsiang-hsing (§ ff) or "scent-action" 
from the word gandha which means scent, small, perfume.^ 

In some books we find the name Shih-sJiih{yQ ^)-kuo 
or "Cave country" applied to Gandhara and the capital 
called Shih-shih-ch'eng or Cave city,^ and this is evidently 
another name for Taksha^ila. An old or native name for 
Gandhara is given as Ye-p'o-lo (H -JjJ ^) perhaps for Abar, 
but this seems to have been local and temporary. We 
are told, in fact, that it ceased to be used after the 
country was conquered by the Te-ta (Pg)i ^ or fg, '|g,) that 
is, the Yets or Gats apparently near the end of our 5* 
century.' Further in some Chinese books Gandhara is 
said to be the Hsiao-yue-ti country, the district of the 
offshoot of the Yue-ti or Getae, or at least to include the 
region so called. 8 The Ye-ta, who were a powerful people 
in Central Asia in the 5* century, are also said to have 
been of the Yue-ti stock,9 but some regard them as of 
Turkish, and others as of Tibetan origin. 

In the above passage the words taken to denote that 

> Sban-chien-lu-vib, ch. 2 (No. 1125): of. Mah. ch. XIII. 
s Shih-li-ching. 

3 No. 5 of the Rock Edicts. Fleet in Ind. Ant. Vol. xxii, p. 178. 
* A-yii-wang-ching, ch. 10 (commentary), 
s Su-kao-seng-chuan, ch. 2 (No. 1493). 

6 A-na-pin-ti-hua-ch'i-tzii-ching ; A-yii-wang-hsi-hnai-mu-yin-ynan- 
ching (No. 1367). 

1 Ea-lan-chi, ch. 5; Wei-shu, ch. 102. 

8 Wei-shu 1. c; T'ung-chih-liao s. v. >]■» ^ ^. 

» T'ung-chien-kang-mu s. Liang Wu Ti ^ jj 3^ year. 


Gandhara had "much sugar-cane and that it produced 
sugar-candy (lit. stone-honey)" are g -g* H [ij Jg ^. The 
translators in their renderings here have inserted a gloss 
which makes Yuan-chuang state that the sugar-candy was 
made by the people from the sugar-cane. Julien trans- 
lates the words — "il produit aussi beaucoup de Cannes a 
Sucre et I'on en tire du miel en pierre (du sucre soKde)." 
Here the words "I'on en tire" are not warranted by the 
text which has merely the ordinary word ch'u. This word 
here as in other passages of the Records simply means 
"it (that is, the country) yields or produces". We know 
also from other sources that the Chinese at this time did 
not know of sugar as a product of the sugar-cane. In 
consequence of information obtained from India the Em- 
peror T'ang T'ai Tsung sent a mission to that country 
to learn the art of making sugar and candy from the 
Sugar-cane. This candy was merely molasses dried or 
"sugar in pieces". It was at first "hard (or stone) honey" 
to the Chinese, as sugar was honey to the ancient westerns. * 

The Pu-lu-sha-pu-lo or Purushapur of our text has been 
supposed to be the Parshawar of later writers, the Pu- 
rushavar of Alberuni, and the Peshawar of modern times. 2 
Fa-hsien uses the term "Purusha country"; and makes this 
a distinct place four days' journey south from his Grandhavat 
country. Sung-yun does not seem to have known the name 
Purusha, and he uses Gandhara for country and capital. 
As has been stated, the Nagarahara of Kittoe's Sanskrit 
inscription is evidently the city and district called Pu- 
rushapur. This name is interpreted as meaning "the city 
of the Hero", in Chinese Cliang-fu-kung (^ ^ g) or 
Hero's Palace, 3 the Purusha or "Hero" being Vishnu as 
the conqueror of the terrible Asura. 

Yuan-chuang proceeds to state that 

» Pen-tB'ao-kang-mu, ch. 33; T'ang-Shu, ch. 221 second part. 
' A. G. I. p. 47 ff. for this and Gandhara generally: Alberuni 
Vol. ii, p. 11. 

3 Su-kao-Beng-chuan, ch. 2. 

202 THE Buddha's bowl. 

of the Baddhist Masters in India who since old times had 
written sastras (lun Jj^) there were Narayana-deva, Wu-clio 
(Asanga) P'usa, Shih-ch'in (Vasubandhu) P'usa, Dharmatara, 
Manoratha(?), and Parsva the Venerable who were natives of 
this district. 

Julien translates this passage as follows — "Depuis I'an- 
tiquite, ce pays a donne le jour a un grand nombre de 
docteurs indiens qui ont compose des Traites (Qastras); 
par exemple a Narayana Deva, Asanga, Vasoubandhu, 
Dharmatrata, Manorhita, Arya Pargrika, &c. &c." There 
is nothing in the text, however, corresponding to the 
grand nombre, the par exemple, or the &c. &c. of this 
rendering. Instead of the word pu {'^), which is in Julien's 
Chinese text, there should be yti (7^), the reading of the 
A and D texts. Of the writers of Sastras or disquisitions 
mentioned here only three are known as authors of Buddhist 
books which have come down to us, viz. Asanga, Vasu- 
bandhu, and Dharmatara. The Narayana-deva appears 
again in this treatise as a deva or god, and it is perhaps 
the incarnation of Vishnu so named that is represented 
here as a philosophical Buddhist writer, or Yuan-chuang 
may have heard that the "Dharma-Sastra" which bears 
the name of Vishnu was written by the god. But we must 
remember that Narayana is a name common to several 
ancient philosophers of India. The other ^astra-writers 
of Gandhara will meet us again as we proceed. 

There were above 1000 Buddhist monasteries in the country 
but they were utterly dilapidated and untenanted. Many of 
the topes also were in ruins. There were above 100 Deva- 
temples, and the various sects lived pell-mell. In the north-east 
part of the capital were the remains of the building which 
once contained the Buddha's Alms-bowl. After the Buddha's 
decease the Bowl had wandered to this country, and after 
having been treated with reverence here for some centuries, it 
had gone on to several other countries, and was now in Po-la-ssu 

The Buddha's Bowl was seen by Pa-hsien in a monastery 
in Purusha, where it was in the care of the Buddhist 
Brethren. Kumarajiva saw it in Sha-le or Kashgar, and 


Chih-meng saw it in Kapin.^ Our pilgrim here represents 
the Bowl as having passed away from Purushapur and as 
being in Persia, but the Life instead of Persia has Benares. 
According to other authorities the Buddha's Bowl moved 
about from place to place, passing mysteriously through 
the air, and working miracles for the good of the people 
until it passed (or passes) out of sight in the palace of 
the Dragon-king Sagara. There it will remain .until the 
advent of Maitreya as Buddha when it will appear again 
to be a witness. According to some texts the Bowl was 
broken once by the wicked king Mihirakula, but the pieces 
seem to have come together again. As no one less than 
a Buddha could ever eat from this Bowl, so no one less 
than a Buddha could move it from its resting-place; borne 
by the hidden impulses of human karma it floated about 
from one chosen seat to another as Buddhism waxed or 
waned. 2 

About eight or nine li to the south-east of the capital was a 
large and very ancient sacred Fipphal Tree above 100 feet high 
■with wide-spreading foliage affording a dense shade. Under it 
the Four Fast Buddhas had sat, and all the 996 Buddhas of the 
Bhadra kalpa are to sit here; the images of the Four Buddhas 
in the sitting posture were still t-> be seen. When Salcya Julai 
was sitting under this tree with his face to the south he said 
to Ananda — "Four hundred years after my decease a sovereign 
will reign, by name Eanishka, who a little to the south of this 
will raise a tope in which he will collect many of my flesh and 
bone relics". To the south of the Pipphal Tree was the tope 
erected by Eanishka. Exactly 400 years after the death of 
the Buddha Eanishka became sovereign of all Jarabudvipa, but 
he did not believe in Karma, and he treated Buddhism with 
contumely. When he was out hunting in the wild country a 
white hare appeared ; the king gave chase, and the hare suddenly 
disappeared at this place. Here among the trees the king dis- 
covered a cow-herd boy with a small tope three feet high he 
had made. "What is this you have made?" asked the king. 
The boy replied telling the Buddha's prophecy, and informing 

' Fo-kuo-chi, ch. 12 : Kao-seng-chuan, ck. 2, 3. 
2 See "Fo-mie-tu-hou-kuan-lien-sung-ching" (No. 124); Lien-hua- 
mien-ching, ch. 2 (No. 465J. 


Kanishka that he was the king of the prophecy, adding that he 
had come to set in motion the fuUfilment of the prophecy. 
With this the king was greatly pleased ; he straightway became 
a Buddhist, and proceeded to accomplish the prediction. Trust- 
ing to his own great merits, he set about building a great tope 
round the site of the boy's small tope, which was to be con- 
cealed and suppressed by the great tope. But as the latter rose 
in height the small tope always topped it by three feet. The 
king's tope was one and a half li in circuit at the base, which 
was 150 feet high in five stages, and the tope had reached the 
height of 400 feet. The boy's tope was now suppressed and the 
king was greatly pleased. He completed his tope by the addition 
of twenty five gilt copper disks in tiers, and having deposited 
a ho of relics inside, he proceeded to offer solemn worship. But 
the small tope appeared with one half of it out sideways under 
the south-east corner of the great base. The king now lost 
patience and threw the thing up. So [the small tope] remained 
as it was (i. e, did not all come through the wall) with one half 
of it visible in the stone base below the second stage, and 
another small tope took its place at the original site. Seeing 
all this the king became alarmed, as he was evidently contending 
with supernatural powers, so he confessed his error and made 
submission. These two topes were still in existence and were 
resorted to for cures by people afflicted with diseases. South 
of the stone steps on the east side of the Great Tope were two 
sculptured topes, one three and the other five feet high, which 
were miniatures of the Great Tope. There were also two images 
of the Buddha, one four and the other six feet high, represent- 
ing him seated cross-legged under the Bodhi Tree. When the 
sun shone on them these images were of a dazzling gold colour, 
and in the shade their stone was of a dark violet colour. The 
stone had been gnawed by gold-coloured ants so as to have the 
appearance of carving, and the insertion of gold sand completed 
the images. On the south face of the ascent to the Great Tope 
was a painting of the Buddha sixteen feet high with two heads 
from one body. Our pilgrim narrates the legend connected with 
this very curious picture as he learned it at the place. 

Above 100 paces to the south-east of the Great Tope was a 
white stone standing image of Buddha eighteen feet high, facing 
north, which wrought miracles, and was seen by night to 
circumambulate the Great Tope. On either side of the latter 
were above 100 small topes close together. The Buddha images 
were adorned in the perfection of art. Strange perfumes were 
perceived and unusual sounds heard [at the Great Tope], and 
divine and human genii might be seen performing pradakshina 
round it The Buddha predicted that when this tope had been 


seven times burned, and seven times rebuilt, his religion would 
come to an end. The Becords of former sages stated that the 
tope had already been erected and destroyed three times. When 
Yuan-chuang arrived he found there had been another burning, 
and the work of rebuilding was still in progress. 

The description of the origin and structure of the 
Kanishka Tope in this passage is not very full or Clear; 
and the interpretation here given differs in some important 
points from Julien's rendering. There are, however, other 
accounts of this unique building which may help to 
supplement our author's narrative. The white hare which 
appeared to Kanishka and led him to the fated spot was 
the agent of Indra; so also was the herd-boy who had 
made the small tope. Or rather the boy was Indra 
himself, and as the builder and the material were not of 
this world the tope could not be like the common build- 
ings of its class. One authority describes it as being 
made of cow-dung; but when an unbeliever pressed it to 
try, the hollow which he made with his fingers could not 
be filled up, and remained to testify to the miraculous 
character of the tope.i 

According to our pilgrim Kanishka's Tope was 400 feet 
high with a superstructure of gilt-copper disks, the base 
being in five stages and 150 feet in height. Julien makes 
the words of the text mean that each of the five stages 
was 150 feet high, but this is not in the original and does 
not agree with the context. Then the passage which tells 
of the miracle of the small tope coming out half-way 
through the wall of the Great Tope is thus rendered by 
Julien — "Quand il (i. e. the king) eut acheve cette con- 
struction, il vit le petit stoupa, qui se trouvait au bas de 
I'angle sud-est du grand, s'elever a cote et le depasser de 
moitie." But the text does not place the small tope at 
the south-east corner of the great one, and the king is 
described as building it "autour de I'endroit oii etait le 
petit stoupa". Then the words pang-ch'u-ch'i-pan (-j^ {fj 

1 The Hsi-yii-chih quoted in Fa-yuan-chu-lin, ch. 38. 


S ip) lit. "side put out its half" cannot possibly be made 
to mean "s'elever a cote et le depaaser de moitie". This 
rendering moreover spoils the story which tells us that 
the king had finished his tope, and was pleased with his 
success in enclosing the small tope, when the latter was 
seen to thrust itself half through the stone wall of his 
tope. Then we learn that on seeing this "the king's mind 
was ruffled and he threw the thing up". The Chinese for 
this clause is tvang-hsin-pn-ja'ing-pien-chi-chih-ch'i (^ >JJ 
^ ^ fil i|J S S)> ^^^ Julien translates : "Le roi en 
eprouva une vive contrariete et ordonna sur-le-champ de 
I'abattre". Here the word ordonna is a bad interpolation, 
and the term chih-ch'i has been misunderstood. It means, 
as usually, to give up, renounce, abandon. The king had 
built his great relic-tope, but he could not carry out the 
ambitious design he had to mi-fuh by his power the 
small tope which, unknown to him, was the work of the 
god Indi'a, so he wanted to abandon the whole affair. 
In the Fang-chih the king is wrongly represented as 
putting aside (chih-ch'i) the small tope when proceeding 
to build his own. At the time of Yuan-chuang's visit 
the small tope half-out through the wall still remained in 
^hat position, and the second small tope was to be seen 
at the original site of the first one. The position he 
assigns to his second small tope does not agree with the 
statement that Kanishka enclosed the site of the original 
small tope within the inclosure of his Great Tope. Per- 
haps the small tope appearing half-way out through the 
wall of the great one may have been a sculpture in alto- 
relievo in the latter. M'^ Simpson in the XIV*'' Vol. of 
the Journal of the R. A. S. has described such sculptured 
topes, and given us a sketch of one. 

Yuan-chuang's account of the Great Tope and the little 
one associated with it from the beginning agrees in the main 
with Fa-hsien's account, but does not much resemble the 
descriptions in other works. "We must remember, however, 
that what he records is largely derived from others, while 
his predecessors saw the Great Tope in the splendour of 

kanishka's tope. 207 

its perfect condition. One account represents the base 
of the Tope as 30 (for 300) feet in height, above this was 
a structure of polished and sculptured stone in five storeys, 
then a. structure of carved wood about 120 feet high, then 
came the roof on which was erected a spire bearing fifteen 
gilt disks. Sung-yun, like Yuan-chuang, makes the height 
of the main building to be 400 feet; above this Sung-yun 
saw an iron pillar 300 feet high supporting thirteen tiers 
of gilt disks (lit. gold basins). He makes the total height 
700 feet, while others make it 550, 632, 800, and 1000 feet. 
One of the names by which the tope was known was the 
"Thousand Foot Tope" Cg jt ft H). It was also called 
the Chio-li (^ g||) Tope. This term Chio-li we have seen 
was applied to the pair of viharas at Kuchih (Kutzu), and 
it is used to designate other viharas and topes. If the 
name were always written as above we could regard it as 
a native term meaning "piebald, brown and yellow", chio 
denoting a sparrow and li an oriole. But the characters 
vary and the word is expressly said to be foreign and to 
mean striped or chequered in two or more colours. This 
sense would suit the (rreat Tope with its dark-coloured 
stone variegated by yellow tracings. It is apparently this 
building which is called in a Buddhist work the "Eartl^ 
and Stone Tope". This will recall to the reader the very 
interesting general description of the topes of this region 
given in the Ariana Antiqua, a description which also 
illustrates our pilgrim's account of the Great Tope.i 

In a Vinaya treatise the prediction of the building of 
this tope is made by the Buddha not to Ananda but to 
the Vajrapani P'usa. The Buddha going about with this 
P'usa from place to place in "North India" came to the 
hamlet of the So-shu-lo (fg ^ ^), that is, the Kharjura 
or wild date tree. Here the two sat down ; and Buddha, 
pointing to a small boy making a mud tope at a little 
distance, told the P'usa that on that spot Kanishka would 
erect the tope to be called by bis name. 2 

1 Wei-shu 1. c. ; Ka-lan-chi, 1. c; Ar. Ant. p. 56. 

2 Saz. Vin. Yao-shih, ch. 9. 


The description in the Records goes on — 

To. the west of the Great Tope was an old monastery built 
by Kanishka ; its upper storeys and many terraces were connected 
by passages to invite eminent Brethren and give distinction to 
illustrious merit, and although the buildings were in riiins they 
could be said to be of rare art. There were stiU in the monastery 
a few Brethren all Hinayanists. From the time it was built it 
had yielded occasionally extraordinary men, and the arhats and 
sastra-makers by their pure conduct and perfect virtue were still 
an active influence. 

This old monastery is apparently the "Kanik-caitya" 
of Alberuni, the "vihara of Purushavar" built by king 
Kanik. It was also the "Kanishka-maha-vihara" of Kittoe's 
inscription, "where the best of teachers were to be found, 
and whicL was famous for the quietism of its frequenters". 
Within the modern city of Peshawer is an old building 
called the Ghor Khattri (the Gurh-Katri of Baber) and 
known also as the Caravanserai (or the Serai). This was 
once a Buddhist monastery "with numerous cells'*. Does 
it represent the great Kanishka vihara? 

In the third tier of high, halls of the Kanishka vihara was 
the chamber once occupied by the Venerable P'o-li-ssu-fo (Parsva) : 
it was in ruins, but was marked off. This Parsva was originally 
a brahmin teacher, and he remained such until he was eighty 
years old. Then he became converted to Buddhism and received 
ordination. The city boys hereupon jeered at him as an old 
and feeble man, and reproached him with wishing to lead an 
idle life, unable to fulfill the duiies of a monk in practising 
absorbed meditation and reciting the sacred Scriptures. Stung 
by these reproaches the old man withdrew into seclusion, and 
made a vow not to lay his side on his mat untU he had mastered 
the canon, and had attained full spiritual perfection and powers. 
At the end of three years he had completely succeeded, and 
people out of respect called him IReverend Side (or Bibs) because 
he had not laid his side on his mat for so long a time. 

The F'o-li-ssu-fo (Parsva) of this passage is called in 
other works P'o-she (^ ^) which may be for Passo the 
Pali form of Par^va.^ As this word means side it is 
translated into Chinese by Hsie (^) which also means 

> Pi-p'o-sha-lun, or Vibhasha-sastra, ch. 1 (No. 1279). 


side or ribs. The Buddhist Doctor with this name was 
also called Nan-sMng or "Hard to be horn", which is 
perhaps a translation of Durjata. He was so called be- 
cause, for misdeeds in a former existence, he was six (or 
sixty) years in his mother's womb, and was born with gray 
hair. Regarded as one of the Patriarchs he is placed by 
some ninth, and by others tenth, in the line of succession, 
and as such he is said to have been a native of "Mid 
India" and to have lived in the 6^^ century B. C.> But 
these statements are to be set aside as comparatively late 
inventions. From other sources we learn that Par§va 
was a native of North India, and that he was a con- 
temporary of king Kanishka, at whose Buddhist Council 
he assisted. His date is thus the first century A.D., and 
he is said to have lived 400 years after the Buddha's 
decease. All authorities agree that he was a bhikshu of 
great zeal and devotion, an ardent student and an in- 
defatigable propagator of Buddhism, eloquent and expert 
in argument. Among the numerous converts he made the 
greatest was the celebrated A^vaghosha who was a brahmin 
teacher having an unchallenged preeminence in his own 
country in Mid India. Par^va, however, defeated him in a 
public discussion, and according to agreement A^vaghosha 
became his disciple, and was ordained as a bhikshu.2 
Parsva is cited by our pilgrim as a maker of Sastras ; but 
no treatise bearing his name is known to have come down 
to us, and there does not seem to be any particular work 
ascribed to him in the Chinese books although he is 
often quoted in some of these.' Nor is there anything, 
so far as we know, to confirm or warrant Yuan-chuang's 
story of Parsva being ordained at the age of 80 years, and 

1 In "Fo-tsn-t'ung-chi" (No. 1661), ch. 34, and in «Fu-fa-tsang-yin- 
yuan^ching" (No. 1340) Parsva is the ninth Patriarch; in the "Chih- 
yue-lu", eh. 3, he is the tenth. 

2 Ma-ming-p'u-sa-chuan (No. 1460). See also Tar. S. 59 and Was. 
S. 52 note and 231. 

* E. g. in the Abhi-ta-vib., and the Abhi-shun-cheng-li-lun 
(No. 1265). 


the city boys jeering at him in consequence. We do Tead in 
a work already cited that when Par^va was on his way 
to Mid India the boys at one town made fun of him for 
wearing shoes, and carried these off from him. 

On the east side of Parsva's chamber was the old house in 
which Shiltrch'in ("jtt; ^) P'usa (Vasubandhu) composed the A- 
p'i-ta-mo-ku-shi-lun (Abhidharmakosa-sastra), and posterity in 
reverential remembrance had set a mark on the old house. 

As Yuan-chuang has told us, Yasubandhu was a native 
of this country, having been born in Purushapur. His 
father's name was Kausika and his mother's Bilindi, and 
he was the second of three brothers all named Yasubandhu, 
The eldest became celebrated as the great Buddhist 
teacher Asanga, the youngest was called Bilindibhava 
from his mother's name, and the middle one remained 
Vasubandhu simply. This last following the example of 
his elder brother became a Buddhist monk, and was at 
first an adherent of the Yaibhashikas of the Sarvastivadin 
School. » 

The Abhidharmakosa-sastra, or "Disquisition on the 
Treasury of Buddhist Philosophy", mentioned here, origi- 
nated with 600 aphorisms in verse composed by Yasu- 
bandhu as a Sarvastivadin Yaibhashika. These were sent 
by the author from Ayodhya to the Kashmir Vaibhashikas 
who were greatly pleased with them. But as the aphorisms 
were very terse and hard to understand, the Brethren re- 
quested the author to expand them into a readable form. 
Vasubandhu in the meantime had become attached to the 
Sautrantikas, and when he expanded his aphorisms into 
a prose treatise he criticised some of the doctrines of the 
Kashmir Yaibhashikas from the point of view of a Sau- 
trantika. This book also was written in Ayodhya in the 
reign of Yikramaditya or his son Baladitya. It was re- 
garded by the Yaibhashikas of Kashmir as hostile to 
thera, and it was refuted by the learned Sanghabhadra 

' Ta-sheng-pai-fa-ming-men-lun (No. 1213) Int"; P'o-su-p'an-tou 
(Vasubandhu)-fa-shi-chuan (No. 1463); "Was. S. 240. 


who composed two treatises against it and in defence of 
the Vaibhashikas. But Vasubandhu's treatise continued 
to have a great reputation and it was held in esteem by 
the adherents of both "Vehicles". Several commentaries 
were written on it in Sanskrit, and it was twice trans- 
lated into Chinese, the first translation being by the great 
Indian Buddhist Paramartha, and the second by our 
pilgrim. In this treatise the author does not shew any 
hostility to the Vaibhashikas, and he frankly acknowledges 
his indebtedness to them.i 

The Vasubandhu of this passage, who will meet us 
again, is not to be confounded with the Buddhist of the 
same name who is given as the 21" of the Patriarchs of 
the Buddhist Church. 

About fifty paces south from Vasubandhu's house was the 
second tier of high halls ; here the sastra-master Mo-nu-ho-la-ta 
(^^■^S'Jftfc) (Manoratha)composeda "vibhasha-lun". This 
Master made his auspicious advent within the 1000 years after 
the Buddha's decease; in youth he was studious and clever of 
speech. His fame reached far and clericals and laymen put 
their faith in him. At that time the power of Yikramaditya 
king of Sravasti was widely extended; on the day on which he 
reduced the Indias to submission he distributed five lakhs of 
gold coins among the destitute and desolate. The Treasurer, 
fearing that the king would empty the Treasury, remonstrated 
with him to the following effect — Your Majesty's dread influence 
extends to various peoples and the lowest creatures. I request 
that an additional five lakhs of gold coins be distributed among 
the poor from all quarters; the Treasury being thus exhausted 
new taxes and duties will have to be imposed; this unlimited 
taxation will produce disaffection; so Your Majesty will have 
gratitude for your bounty, but Your Ministers will have to bear 
insulting reproaches. The king replied that giving to the needy 
from the surplus of public accumulation was not a lavish ex- 
penditure of public money on himself, and gave the additional 
five lakhs in largesse to the poor. On a future occasion the 
king, while out hunting, lost trace of a wild boar and rewarded 
the peasant who put him on the track with a lakh of gold coins. 
Manoratha had once paid his barber a like sum for shaving his 

1 See Abhi-ku-she(kosa)-lun (So. 1267), and Abhi-kosa-shih-lun 
(No. 1269) ; Abhi-kosa-lun-pen-sung (No. 1270). 



head, and the State annalist had made a record of the circumstance. 
This fact had wounded the king's pride, and he desired to bring 
public shame on Manoratha. To effect this he called together 
100 learned and eminent non -Buddhists to meet Manoratha in 
discussion. The subject selected for discussion was the nature 
of the sense-perceptions about which, the king said, there was 
such confusion among the various systems that one had no 
theory in which to put faith. Manoratha had silenced 99 of his 
opponents and was proceeding to play with the last man on the 
subject, as he announced it, of "fire and smoke". Hereupon the 
king and the Non-Buddhists exclaimed that he was wrong in 
the order of stating his subject for it was a law that smoke 
preceded fire. Manoratha, disgusted at not being able to get a 
hearing, bit his tongue, sent an account of the circumstances to 
his disciple Yasubandhu, and died. Yikramaditya lost his kingdom, 
and was succeeded by a king who shewed respect to men of 
eminence. Then Vasubandhu solicitous for his Master's good 
name came to this place, induced the king to summon to another 
discussion the former antagonists of Manoratha, and defeated 
them all in argument. 

The name of the great Buddhist master here called 
Mo-nu-lo-ha-t'a, and translated by Yuan-chuang Ju-yi 
(in ^) 0^ "-^ y°^ will", has been restored by me as 
Manoratha. Julien here as in the Vie having the B 
reading Mo-no-ho-li{^l)-t'a restores the name as Mano.rhita. 
This seems to be a word of his own invention, but it has 
been adopted by the P. W., and by subsequent writers 
on our pilgrim's narrative. The Chinese characters of 
Julien's text, however, cannot be taken to represent this 
word, and they might stand for a word like Manoriddha. 
This would perhaps suit Yuan-chuang's rendering, and also 
the Tibetan term Yid-on. But Manoratha is the name 
given by Burnouf from the Abhidharma-ko^a-vyakhya, by 
Paramartha, who translates it by Hsin-yuan or "Mental 
desire", and by Schiefner in his translation of Taranatha. i 
But the Tibetan books make the bearer of the name to 
be a native of South India and a contemporary of Naga- 
sena. This Manoratha is not to be regarded as the same 

1 Bur. Int. p. 567; Life of Vasubandhu (No. 1463); Tar. S. 3, 298. 


person as the Manor or Manura who is represented as 
the 21»t (or 22'») Patriarch. 

Yuan-chuang here ascribes to Manoratha the composition 
of a Vihhdsha-lun, that is an expository Buddhistic treatise. 
Julien very naturally took this term to be the name of a 
particular treatise which he calls the "Vibhasha ^astra". 
There is a learned and curious work in the Canon with 
the name "Vibhasha-lun", the authorship of which is 
ascribed to Shi-t-o-pan-n'i (i^ P£ || ^) restored by Julien 
as "Siddhapani", and by some to Katyayani-putra, but not 
to Manoratha. 1 Nor is this last the author of the treatise 
bearing the name "Yibhasha-vinaya", or of any other work 
in the sacred Canon. 

According to Yuan-chuang Manoratha flourished (lit. 
was seen to profit, ^J ^ a phrase from the Yih-Ching) 
vdthin 1000 years after the decease of the Buddha. This, 
taking the Chinese reckoning, would place the date of the 
^astra-master before A.D. 150. 

The pilgrim relates of Vikramaditya that "on the day 
on which he reduced the Indias to submission he distri- 
buted five lakhs of gold coins" — For these words the 
Chinese is shih-ch'en-chu-In-tu-jih-yi-wu-yih-chin-cMen- 

chou-kei (ft g It PPJtHJKtSii^SiJH 1^)- Jiilien, 
who instead of chu, the reading of the A, C, and D texts, 
had yi (pg) of the B text, translates — "Quand vm de ses 
envoyes arrivait dans (un royaume de) I'Inde, il distribuait 
chaque jour cinq cent miUe pieces d'or pour secourir les 
pauvres, les orphelins et les hommes sans famille." This 
is very absurd and is not in the text. The first character 
here sMh is not needed, and is not in the D text; and 
the meaning seems to be very clear that, on the day on 
which India became subject to him, the king distributed 
five lakhs of gold coins among his own needy and deso- 
late. Then the narrative makes the Treasurer try to 
frighten the king by proposing that he should distribute 
another lakh, among the poor from aU quarters, thereby 

1 Bun. No. 1279 and J[S: 9 of Jap. Reprint. 


exhausting the Treasury and causing oppressive taxation. 
The Treasurer's speech, which is rather absurd, seems to 
be clearly expressed; but Julien does not seem to have 
understood its meaning. A little farther on we have the 
reasons alleged by the king for summoning the non- 
Buddhists and Buddhists to a public debate. He said 
"he wanted to set right seeing and hearing and study 
(lit. travel in) the real objects of the senses" (^i^MM 
^WM M)' ^^® diverse theories on sense perceptions hav- 
ing led to confusion and uncertainty. The king's language 
refers to the great controversies about the senses and 
their objects, and the word he uses for the latter, ching 
(j^), is that employed in Yuan-chuang's translation of the 
Abhidharmako§a-lun. There were great differences of 
opinion among the rival schools as to the relations be- 
tween the senses and their respective objects. Thus, for 
example, as to sight, it was discussed whether it was the 
eye or the mind which saw, and whether the "true realm" 
of sight was colour or form. For the purpose at least of 
suppressing Manoratha, the philosophers at the debate 
were agreed on the point that smoke should precede fire. 

From the Kanishka Monastery Yuan-chuang went north-east 
above 50 li, crossing a large river, to the city which he calls 
Fu-se-ka-lo-fa-ti (Pushkaravati). This was about fourteen or 
fifteen li in circuit, was well peopled, and the wards were con- 
nected by passages. Outside the west gate of the city was a 
Deva-Temple with a marvel-working image of the Deva. To 
the east of the city was an Asoka tope on the spot where the 
Four Past Buddhas had preached. The Buddhist sages who in 
old times came from "Mid India" to this district and taught 
mortals were very numerous. It was here that Vasumitra com- 
posed his "Chung-shih-fen-Abhidharma-lun". Pour or five li 
north of the city was an old monastery in ruins and with only 
a few Brethren who were all Hinayanists. In it Dharmatrata 
composed the "Tsa-abhidharma-lun". 

The Pushkaravati of this passage, which the Life makes 
to be 100 li from the Kanishka Monastery, is evidently 
the Fo-sha-fu of the Ka-lan-chi and the Pukaravati of 
other works, and it is supposed to be represented by the 
modern Hashtnagar. Here according to our text Yasu- 



mitra composed his " Chung-shih-fen (^^ ^)-Abhidliarina- 
luo" or "Abhidharma-prakarana-pada-^astra". It is worthy 
of note that Yuan-chuang, who is sparing in his references 
to his predecessors, uses here the translations of 'the title 
of this work given by Gunabhadra and BodhiyaSa, the 
first translators of the treatise. For his own version 
Yuan-chuang used a more correct translation of th*e title 
"Abhidharma-2)'^>^-^e^-foM(^ iMJE.)-luii"^- Yuan-chuang here 
ascribes to Dharmatrata the authorship of a work which 
he calls "Tsa-abhidharma-lun". But no treatise with this 
name is known to the collections of Buddhist scriptures, 
and it is perhaps a mistake for "Tsa-abhidharma-hsin()2i)- 
lun"; there is in the Canon a work with this name and it 
is ascribed to Dharmatrata (or Dharmatara) as author.2 

Beside the monastery was an Asoka tope some hundreds of 
feet high, the carved wood and engraved stone of which seemed 
to be the work of strangers. Here Sakya Buddha in his P'usa 
stage was born 1000 times as a king, and in each birth gave his 
eyes in charity. A little to the east of this were two stone 
topes, one erected by Brahma and one by Indra, which still 
stood out high although the foundations had sunk. At the 
distance of 50 li to the north-west of these was a tope at the 
place where the Buddha converted the Kuei-tzu-mu or "Mother 
of Demons", and forbade her to kill human beings. The people 
of the country worshipped this Demon-mother and prayed to 
her for offspring. 

The word "thousand" in the statement here about the 
thousand gifts of his eyes by the Bodhisattva in as many 
previous existences as a king is perhaps a mistake. De- 
scribing the commemorating tope our author tells us that 
the tiao-mu-tven-shih-p'oh-yi-jen-kung (^ /f^ !^ ^ S M A 
X)' These words seem to have the meaning given to 
them above, but they have also been taken to mean "the 
carved wood and engraved stone are superhuman work". 
Julien's translation, which is the tope "est fait en bois 
sculpte et en pierres veinees; les ouvriers y ont deploy e 
un art extraordinaire" seems to be far wrong. 

Tie Kuei-tzu-mu or "Mother of Demon-children" of 
this passage is evidently the goddess whom I-ching iden- 


tifies with the Ha-li-ti (Hariti) of the Sarvastivadin Vinaya.^ 
This goddess, in the time of the Buddha, was a Yakshini 
living near Kajagriha, and married to a Yaksha of Gan- 
dhara. Her name was Huan-hsi (Nanda?) or "Joy", and 
she was supposed to be a guardian deity to the people 
of Magadha. But as the result of a spiteful wish in a 
previous life she took to stealing and eating the children 
of Bajagaha. When the people found that their goddess 
was secretly robbing them of their offspring to feed her- 
self and her 500 sons, they changed her name to Hariti 
or Thief, On the petition of the victims the Buddha 
undertook to put an end to the Yakshini's cannibal mode 
of-life.2 In order to convert her he hid her youngest and 
favourite son, in one account called Pingala, in his alms- 
bowl, and gave him up to the mother on her promise to 
renounce cannibalism and become a lay member of his 
communion. Then to provide for the subsistence of the 
mother and her numerous offspring the Buddha ordained 
that in all monasteries food should be set out for them 
every morning. In return for this service the Yakshini 
and her sons were to become and continue guardians of 
the Buddhist sacred buildings. The Sar. Vin. does not 
make any mention of Hariti undertaking to answer the 
prayers of barren women for children, but in one of the 
siitras the Kuei-tzu-mu agrees to comply with the Buddha's 
request in this matter. 3 I-ching tells us that the name 
Kuei-tzu-mu was used by the Chinese before they had 
the story of Hanti, and a goddess of children with that 
name is still worshipped by Chinese women. She is com- 

' Nan-hai-ch'i-kuei, ch. 1 and Takakusu p. 37. 

2 Sar. Vin. Taa-shih (No. 1121), ch. 31. 

'■> See "the "Euei-tzii-mu-ching" fNo. 759) where the scene is laid 
in the ^ ^^ country; Tsa-pao-tsang-ching (No. 1329) ch. 9 where 
the bahy is Pin.-ka-lo (Pingala) and the name of the country is not 
given; Tsa-a-han-ching, ch. 49 where the scene is in Magadha and 
the demon-mother's baby is Pi-leng-ka. See also Waddell's 'Buddhism 
of Tibet' p. 99; and Oh'i-Po-so-Bhuo-shijn- chou-ching, last page 
(No. 447). 


monly represented by a standing image with a baby in 
her arms and two or three children below her knees as 
described by I-ching. As the word kuei has only un- 
pleasant associations ever since the T'ang period the 
Chinese have occasionally substituted for it in the name 
of this goddess the woi-d for nine, calling her Kivrtsii-mu, 
"Mother of nine (that is, many) sons" 

Above 60 li north from the scene of the conversion of the 
Kuei-tzu-mu was another tope. This marked the place at which 
the P'usa in his birth aa Sama while gathering fruit as food 
for his blind parents was accidentally shot by a poisoned arrow 
aimeS. by the king at a deer of which he was in pursuit. The 
perfect sincerity of the P'usa's conduct moved the spiritual 
powers and Indra provided a remedy which restored the son 
to life. 

It win be remembered that Brahminical literature has 
a similar story about Krishna. The Jataka is a well 
known one and is related in several books.* 

From the Samaka (or Sama) Tope a journey of above 200 li 
south-east brought the pilgrim to the city called Po-lu-sha 
(Palusha). To the north of this city was a tope to mark the 
place at which the P'usa in his birth as Prince Sic-ta-na 
(Sudanal bade adieu on being sent into exile for having given 
the elephant of the king his father to a brahmin. At the side 
of this tope was a monastery with above fifty Brethren all 
adherents of the "Small Vehicle". Here the Master of Sastras, 
Isvara, composed the "Abhidharma-ming-cheng-lun". 

The Palusha of this passage was apparently about 
100 li to the south-east of Pushkaravatl. Cunningham 
has proposed to identify it with the modern Palo-dheri 
which is about forty miles from Pushkaravati or Hasht- 
nagar. As it is also, however, apparently about forty 
miles south-east from the Samaka tope, Palo-dheri may 
correspond to the site of Palusha. 

The name Sudana of the text is explained in a note as 
meaning "having good teeth", but this, as has been pointed 
out by others, is evidently wrong. Better renderings are 

1 See Wilkins' Hind. Myth. p. 188, 209; Jataka Vol, VI. p. 71; 
P'u-sa-san-tzu-ching (No. 216); Liu-tu-chi-ching, ch. 5 (No. 143). 


8han-yu and Shan-sMh (§ ^ or J ^), both meaning 
liberal or generous. As Sudana is apparently an epithet 
for the prince whose name was Vi^vantara (Wessantara), 
so 8han-ya or "Good-teeth" may have been the name of 
the much prized white elephant which the prince gave 
away to the brahmin from the hostile country. 

As to the Abhidharma treatise which Yuan-chuang here 
ascribes to the sastra master Kvara no work with the 
name "Abhidharma-ming-ch§ng-lun" seems to be known 
to the Buddhist canon. Instead of the ming-cheng (8)3 f§) 
of the ordinary texts the D text has ming-teng {^), mak- 
ing the name to be the "Abhidharma Shining lamp 

Outside the east gate of the Palusha city was a monastery 
■with above 50 Brethren all Mahayanists. At it was an Asoka 
tope on the spot at which the brahmin, who had begged the 
son and daughter of the Prince Sudana from him on the Tan- 
to-lo-ka (Dantaloka) mountain, sold the children. Above twenty 
li north-east from Palusha was the Dantaloka mountain on 
which was an Asoka tope at the place where Prince Sudana 
lodged. Near it was the tope where the Prince having given 
his son and daughter to the Brahmin the latter beat the children 
until their blood ran to the ground; this blood dyed the spot 
and the vegetation still retained a reddish hue. In the cliff was 
the cave in which the Prince and his wife practised samadhi. 
Near this was the hut in which the old rishi lived; above 100 li 
north from it beyond a small hill was a mountain; on the south 
of this was a monastery with a few Brethren who were Maha- 
yanists; beside this was an Asoka tope where the rishi Tu-chio 
(Ekasringa) once lived; this rishi was led astray by a lustful 
woman and lost his superhuman faculties, whereupon the lustful 
woman rode on his shoulders into the city. 

In their renderings of the text of the above passage 
the translators have made a serious mistranslation which 
injures the narrative. They make the pilgrim state that 
the tope at the east gate of Palusha was at the place 
where Prince Sudana sold his two children to a brahmin. 
But the Prince never did anything like this, and the 
Chinese states clearly that it was the brahmin who sold 
the children after having begged them from their father 
on the mountain. This agrees with the context and with 


the story in the Scriptures* According to the latter the 
brahmin on the instigation of his wife went to the Danta 
mountain to beg the Prince to give him the son and 
daughter of whom the Prince and his wife were very 
fond; and by his urgent entreaty he prevailed on the 
father, in the absence of the mother, to give up the 
children to serve in his household. But when the Brahinin 
brought them to his home his clever wife saw they were 
of superior birth, and refused to keep them as slaves. 
Hereupon the brahmin took them away to sell, and against 
his will, under the secret influence of Indra, he found him- 
self with the children at the royal city, where they fell 
into the hands of the king their grandfather. This happy 
incident led to the recall of the all-giving Prince and his 
faithful devoted consort. 

Then the stone-hut on the Danta mountain was not 
merely one which had been inhabited by "a rishi". It 
was the hut supposed to have been once occupied by the 
old rishi Akshuta, in Chinese transcription A-chu-t'e, the 
Acchuta of FausboU. This was the aged hermit who wel- 
comed the banished Prince and family on their coming 
to stay on his mountain. 

The name of this mountain is given by Yuan-chuang 
as Tan-to-lo-ka, which Julien restored as Dantaloka; the 
restoration has been adopted by the P. W., and by sub- 
sequent writers. But the old and 'common form of the 
name in Chinese translations is T'an-t'eh (^J S^), and the 
original may have been Danda. The "Mountain of punish- 
ment" would be an appropriate designation, and the 
suggestion is strengthened by the Tibetan rendering 
"forest of penance". Our pilgrim places the mountain 
at a distance of above twenty li north-east from Palusha; 
but instead of twenty we should probably read 2000 li 
as in the Fang-chih. All the legends represent the 
mountain of exile as being far away from any town or 
place of human habitation. It was beyond the Chetiya 
country, or in Udyana, or in Magadha. In the Jataka 
it is called Vamkaparvata, and a Chinese authority ex- 


plains T^an-t'eh-shan as meaning "the dark shady mountain 
(yin-shany\ i 

In his remarks about the rishi whom he calls "Single- 
horn" (or EkaSringa) our pilgrim is apparently following 
the " Jataka of Rahula's mother". In this story, the scene 
of which is laid in the Benares country, the ascetic of 
mixed breed, human and cervine, is named Unicom on 
account of the horn on his forehead. He has attained 
great power by his devotions and becoming offended he 
stops the rain. The king is told that in order to save 
his country from a prolonged drought he must find a 
means by which the rishi's devotions will be stopped. A 
very clever rich "lustful woman" comes forward and 
undertakes to seduce the saint. She takes 500 pretty 
girls with her, and by means of love potions, disguised 
wines, and strong love-making she overcomes the rishi and 
makes him fall into sin. Beguiling her lover-victim to the 
city of Benares she pretends on the way to be faint and 
the rishi carries her on his shoulders into the city. 2 In 
other versions of this curious wellknown legend the lady 
who woos and wins the simple, innocent, but very austere 
and all-powerful, hermit is a good princess, the daughter 
of the king of the country. For her father's sake and at 
his request she undertakes the task of wiling the saint 
from his austerities and devotions: he is captivated, be- 
comes the princess's lover, marries her and succeeds her 
father on the throne. In most versions of the story the 
saint to be seduced is called Rishya^ringa, the Pali 
Isisinga; the lady who leads him astray is Santa in the 
Chinese translations and some other versions, but NalinI 
or Nalinika in other versions. ^ In the "Jataka of Rahula's 

1 Liu-tu-chi-ching, ch. 2: T'ai-tzii-Bu-ta-na-ching (No. 254) in this 
work the elephant's name is Su-tan-i/en; Hardy M. B. p. 118; Jat. 
Vol. VI last jataka where the mountain is Vamkapabhato ; Feer's 
Chaddanta-jataka p. 81; Sohiefner Tib. Tales p. 257. 

2 Ta-ohih-tu-lun, ch. 17; of. Hsing-chi-ching, ch. 16. 

3 Kshemendra's Kalpalata in J. B. T. S. Vol. i. P. II, p. 1, here 
the rishi is Ekasringa, the lady is the Princess Nalini, and the two 

PANDJI. 221 

mother" the rishi and his tempter are respectively the 
Bodhisattva and his -wife Yasodhara, but in the Jataka 
it is the wise father of the rishi who is the Bodhisattva, 
and the rishi and the lady are a certain bhikshu and his 
former wife. 

Above 50 li to the north-east of Palusha (Julien's Varusha?) 
was a great mountain which had a likeness (or image) of 
Maheivara's spouse Bhima-devi of dark-blue stone. According 
to local accounts this was a natural image of the goddess; it 
exhibited prodigies and was a great resort of devotees from all 
parts of India; to true believers, who after fasting seven days 
prayed to her, the goddess sometimes shewed herself and 
answered prayers. At the foot of the mountain was a temple 
to Mahesvara-deva in which the Ash-smearing "Tirthikas" per- 
formed much worship. 

Going south-east from the Bhimala (or Bhima) Temple 150 li 
you come to Wu-to-ka-han-fu (or ch'a) city, twenty li in circuit 
and having the Indus on its south side; its inhabitants were 
flourishing and in it were collected valuable rarities from various 

A journey of above 20 li north-west from Wu-to-ka-han-fu 
brought one to the P'o (or Sha)-lo-tu-lo city, the birth place of 
the rishi Panini who composed a sMnff-ming-lun (Treatise on 
Etymology). At the beginning of antiquity, our author continues, 
there was a very luxuriant vocabulary. Then at the end of the 
kalpa, when the world was desolate, and void the immortals 
became incarnate to guide mankind; and from this written docu- 
ments came into existence, the flow of which in after times 
became a flood. As opportunity arose Brahma and Indra pro- 
duced 'models. The rishis of the various systems formed each 
his own vocabulary; these were emulously followed by their 
successors, and students applied themselves in vain to acquire 
a knowledge of their systems. When the life of man was a 
century Panini appeared; of intuitive knowledge and great eru- 
dition he sorrowed over the existing irregularities and desired 
to make systematic exclusions and selections. In his studipus 
excursions he met Siva to whom he unfolded his purpose; the 
god approved and promised help. So the rishi applied himself 
earnestly to selecting from the stock of words and formed an 

are the Bodhisattva and Yasodhara of after births, cf, App^ I of the 
same Vol.; Mahavastu T. Ill, p. 143; Bud. Lit. Nep. p. 63; Taka- 
kusu in Hansei Zashi Vol. xiii. No. 1 ; Jat. Vol. v, p. 123 where the 
lady is NalinikS, p. 152 where she is the apsara Alambusa. 

222 vIsTsi. 

Etymology in 1000 stanzas each of 32 words; this exhausted 
modern and ancient times and took in all the written language. 
The author presented his treatise to the king who prized it 
highly and decreed that it should be used throughout the country ; 
he also offered a prize of 1000 gold coins for every one who 
could repeat the whole work. The treatise was transmitted from 
master to disciple and had great vogue, hence the brahmins of 
this city are studious scholars and great investigators. 

The pilgrim goes on to tell a story which he heard on the 
spot. Within the city of F'o (or Sha)-lo-tu-lo was a tope where 
an arhat had converted a disciple of Panini. Five hundred 
years after the Buddha's decease a great arhat from Kashmir in 
his travels as an apostle arrived at this place. Here he saw a 
brahmin teacher chastising a young pupU : in reply to the arhat's 
question the teacher said he beat the boy for not making pro- 
gress in Etymology. The arhat smiled pleasantly and in ex- 
planation said — You must have heard of the treatise on Etymology 
made by the rishi Panini and given by him to the world for 
its instruction. The brahmin replied— "He was a native of this 
city; his disciples admire his excellences, and his image is stUl 
here". To this the arhat answered — This boy of yours is that 
rishi. He added that in his previous existence Panini had. 
devoted all his energies to worldly learning but that from some 
good Karma he was now the teacher's son. He then told the 
teacher the story of the 500 Bats who long ago allowed them- 
selves to be burned to death in a decayed tree through delight 
in hearing a man read from the Abhidharma. These 500 Bats 
came into the world in recent times as human beings, became 
arhats, and formed the Council summoned by king Kanishka 
and the Reverend Parsva in Kashmir which drew up the 
Yibhasha treatises. The arhat added that he was an unworthy 
one of the" Five Hundred, and he advised the teacher to allow 
his dear son to enter the Buddhist church. Then the arhat 
disappeared in a marvellous manner and the teacher became a 
Buddhist and allowed his son to enter the Buddhist church; he 
became a devoted believer, and at the time of the pilgrim his 
influence in the district was stiU a very real one. 

The image or likeness of Bhima-devi here mentioned 
was apparently a' dark-blue rock in the mountain supposed 
to have a resemblance to that goddess. Julien, however, 
understood the passage to mean that there was a statue 
and he makes the author state that the people said — 
"la statue de cette deesse s'est formee toute seule". But 
what the people said was that "this goddess' likeness (or 

plNiNi. 223 

image) was a natural (or self-existing) one" — ^ 5c f^ # 
S ^ W -16* (ill B text ^ instead of 4). 

Then the Bhlmala of the next paragraph in the B text, 
the others having Bhima, is taken by Julien to be a 
mistake for Bhima. But the texts are quite correct, 
Bhima and Bhimala being names of Siva. There is no 
mention in the text of a temple to Bhima, but there is a 
temple to Siva at the foot of the mountain and from it 
the journey begins. 

The name of the city here transcribed Wu-to-ka-han-t'u 
(or c¥a) (,^ ^ sis ^ ^ or ^) is tentatively restored by 
Julien as Uda-khanda, but the characters give us a word 
much liker Udaka-khaiida. In two texts of the Life the 
name of the city is given as Wu-to-M-han-p'^ng (^). 
Saint Martin and Cunningham consider that this city was 
on the site of the later Ohind (or Waihand), but the 
identification seems to be doubtful. 

In' the next paragraph we have Panini's city called in 
JuUen's text P^o-lo-tu-lo. As the great Grammarian is 
supposed to have been a native of Salatura Julien pro- 
posed to regard P'o here as a mistake for Sha; in this 
he is probably right as the A text here has Sha. All 
the other texts, however, have P'o (^ or ^) and one 
does not like to regard them all as wrong. Still for the 
present it is better to regard Sha (^) as the correct 
reading, the name transcribed being Salatura. It is re- 
markable that neither in the part of the Life which tells 
of the pilgrim's visit to Gandhara nor in the Fang-chih 
have we any mention of Panini and his birth place. But 
in the third chuan (Book) of the Life wo read of "the 
rishi Panini of the P'o-lo-men-tu-lo city of Gandhara in 

North India" (:1b PP S M lic # S 1 ^ PIM il & J!J E 
^ fill). These words are in Julien's rendering "dans le 
royaume de Gandhara, de I'Inde du Nord, un Brahmane 
nomme le Richi Po-ni-ni (Panini) de la ville de Tou-lo 
(^alatoula)". Here the learned translator must have known 
that he was doing violence to the t6xt and that the word 
P'o-lo-mSn or Brahmana could not possibly be severed from 

224 PANINI. 

tu-lo and made to apply to Panini who here, as in the 
Records, is styled a risM. It is perhaps possible that the 
min in the text is a copyist's interpolation and that the 
original reading was P'o-lo-tu-lo as in the common texts 
of the Records. 

When our author writes of the Immortals, the devas 
of long life, becoming incarnate, he is referring to the 
restoration of our world after its last destruction. The 
first beiags to occupy the new earth were the time expired 
devas of one of the Heavens and they did not become in- 
carnate in the ordinary sense; they came to earth with 
the radiance and beauty of gods and with the aerial ways 
of celestial* beings. 1 But they did not come to. teach 
men and it was a very long time after their descent when 
human beings first began to have a written language. 

The' reader of this passage about Papini will observe 
that the pilgrim gives the date of king Kanishka as 
500 years after Buddha's decease. This is not in accor- 
dance with the common Chinese chronology of Buddhism 
which makes the death of the Buddha to have taken place 
in the ninth century B. C. 

' Ta-lu-t'an-ching, ch. 6. 




From Udakakhanda city a journey north over hills and across 
rivers (or valleys) for above 600 U brought the traveller to the 
Wu-chang-na country. This country was above 5000 li in circuit; 
hill and defile followed each other closely and the sources of 
river-courses and marshes were united. The yield of the culti- 
vated land was not good; grapes were abundant, but there was 
little sugar-cane; the country produced gold and iron (in the D 
text, gold coins) and saffron; there were dense woods and fruits 
and flowers were luxuriant. The climate was temperate with 
regular winds and rain. The people were pusillanimous and deceit- 
ful; they were fond of learning but not as a study, and they 
made the acquisition of magical formulae their occupation. Their 
clothing was chiefly of pai-tieh (calico). Their spoken language 
was different from, but bore much resemblance to, that of India, 
and the rules of their written language were in a rather un- 
settled state. 

A note added to our text tells us that Wu-chang-na 
means *'park", the country having once been the park of 
a king, (viz. Asoka, according, to the 'Life'). The Wu-chang- 
na of the narrative is perhaps to be read Udana and it 
stands for Udyana which means "a park". Other forms 
of the name in Chinese works are Wu-Pu or -ch'a (^ or ^) 
perhaps for Dda.^ Wu-ch'ang (;5) used by Fa-hsien, IVu- 
ch'ang (J^) in the Ka-lan-chi, Wu-tien (or yunynang (jM. 
or p^ ^) used by Shih-hu of the later Sung period, and 

« T'ung-chien-kang-mu, T'ang Kao Tsung Tsung-chang 2^ y. 



the unusual form Wu-sun-ch^ang (^, j^). But the territory 
denoted by these varieties of name does not always corre- 
spond to the Wu-chang-na of our fext. In some Chinese 
translations this country is vaguely denominated ^^Yue-ti 
(Getae) Country",* There may possibly have been a native 
name like Uda from which the Sanskrit form Udyana and 
the Pali Uyyana were formed. Our pilgrim's Udyana, 
according to Cunningham, comprised the present districts 
of Pangkora, Bijawar, Swat, and Bunir.2 The country is 
represented by Yuan-chuang as not yielding good crops, 
and this is not in agreement with the accounts in other 
works which describe it as a well watered region yielding 
good crops of rice and wheat. 3 

The people of Udyana held Baddhism in high esteem and 
were reverential believers in the Mahayana. Along the two sides 
of the Su-p^o-fa-su-tu river there had formerly been 1400 Mo- 
nasteries but many of these were now in ruins, and once there 
had been 18 000 Brethren but these had gradually decreased 
until only a few remained; these were all Mahayanists who 
occupied themselves with silent meditation; they were clever at 
reciting their books without penetrating their deep meaning; 
they lived strictly according to their rules and were specially 
expert in magical exorcisms. There were five redactions (pu) of 
the Vinaya taught, viz. the Fa-mi (Dharmagupta), the Hua-ti 
(Mahlsasika), the Tin-kimng (Kasyaplya), the Shuo-yi-eh'ie-yu 
(Sarvastivadin) and the Ta-chmg (Mahasangkika) Vinaya. Of 
Deva-Temples there were above ten and the various sectarians 
lived pellmell. 

The river here called Su-p'o-fa-su-tu according to the 
B, C, and D texts is the Subhavastu, the Swat of modern 
geography. In the old A text the reading is Su-p'o-su-tu 
representing a form like Svastu. The name Swat is applied 
not only to the river but also to the district through which 
it flows. 

The five redactions of the Vinaya which the pilgrim 
found in force in this country are the more or less hete- 

1 E. g. in the Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch. 9. 

2 A. Gr. I. p. 81. For recent observations on this country see 
H. A. Deane in J. R. A. S. for 1896 p. 655. 

3 Wei-Shu, cii. 102. 


rodox editions ascribed to five disciples of Upagupta. 
Instead of Mahasangkika we find Vatsiputra, but this 
name is supposed to be used as an equivalent for Maha- 
sangkika, This five-fold Vinaya is often mentioned in 
Buddhist treatises and another enumeration of it is Stha- 
vira, Dharmagupta, MahiSasika, Ka^yapiya, and Sarvasti- 
vadinJ I-ching, who gives a fourfold division of the Vi- 
nayas, says he never heard of the five-fold division in India; 
his four chief schools (or redactions) are the Sthavira, the 
Sarvastivadin, the Mahasangkika, and the Sammatiya.2 It 
will be noticed that according to our pilgrim all the 
Buddhists in Udyana were Mahayanists and yet followed 
the Vinaya of the Hinayanists; Fa-hsien represents the 
Brethren here as Hinayanists. 3 

This country had four or five strong cities of which Meng- 
kie (or ka)-li was chiefly used as the seat of government. This 
city was 16 or 17 li in circuit and had a flourishing population. 

The Meng-kie-li of the text may represent a word like 
MangkU, Cunningham has identified the city with the 
modern Manglaur (or Minglaur), a large and important 
village at the foot of one of the north-west spurs of the 
Dosirri mountain between Swat and Boner, and Major 
Deane thinks that the identity is undoubted. 

Four or five li to the east of the capital was a tope of very 
many miracles on the spot where the P'usa in his birth as the 
Patiently-enduring rishi was dismembered by the Ka-li king. 

Julien understood the words of this passage, ^ p§ jfij 
3E f !l %\ Wt ft' to mean that the rishi cut off his own limbs 
on behalf of the king. But the word wei (^) here, as 
often, is used to convert the following active verb into a 
passive one and has the sense of "was by"; so used the 
word is said to be in the ch'u-sheng and to be equivalent 
to pei (^ife) in the sense of "by". The "Patiently-enduring 
rishi" is the Kshanti or Kshanti-vadin (Pali, Khantivadi), 

1 Fang-yi-ming-yi, ch. 4 Sec. 41 ; Seng-ohi-lii, ch. 40. 

2 Nan-hai-ch'i-kuei Int., and Takakusu Int. p. XXI, and p. 7. 

3 Fo-kuo-chi, eh. 8. 



or Kshanti-bala or Kshantivat of the Buddhist scriptures, 
and called Kundakakumara in the Jataka. The "Korli 
king" is the king named Kali or the king of the country 
named Kali or Kalinga. ■ The word Kshanti means "patient 
endurance", and Kali is iuterpreted as meaning "fighting", 
or "quarreling". TVe find the story of this wicked king 
Kali hacking to pieces the good hermit who was endea- 
vouring to make himself perfect in patient endurance told 
in several Buddhist books with some variations of detail. 
It forms the Kshantibala chapter of the Ssien-yu-ching 
or "Sutra of the Wise and the Foolish",' and it is the 
"Khantivadi Jataka" in the Pali Jataka. 2 In these books 
the scene of the action is laid in the vicinity of Benares, 
and in some of the other accounts the name of the loca- 
lity is not given. The Sutra of the Wise and the Foolish 
calls the king Kah, but the Jataka and some other autho- 
rities call him Kalabu, in Chinese transcription Ka-lan-fu 
(M W. ■}?)• ^^16 wording of our author's text here recalls 
the reference to the story in the 14*'> chapter of the Chin- 
kang-ching or Vajra-chchedika, and there the Sanskrit 
text leaves no doubt as to the meaning of the words. In 
the Jataka the king orders his executioner to flog and 
mutilate the patient rishi and the king personally only 
administers a parting kick. But in other versions it is 
the king himself who in his wrath hacks off the various 
limbs of the Kshanti rishi who is not in all versions the 
P'usa destined to become Grautama Buddha. 

A note to the B text here tells us that there is a gap 
after the words of this paragraph, but the note is not in 
the other texts, and there is no reason to suppose that 
anything has fallen out. It is to be observed that neither 
Fa-hsien nor Sung-yun makes any mention of the Kshanti 
rishi tope in this country. 

From Mangkil, the pilgrim tells us, a journey north-east of 
about 250 li brougt him to a mountain in which was the A-p'o- 

• Hsien-yu-ching, ch. 2: Der Weise u. d. Thor, S, 60. 
2 Jataka, Vol. iii, p. 39. 


lo-lo (Apalala)-Dragon Spring, the source of the Swat river. 
This river flows away from its source south-west; it keeps its 
coldness through spring and summer, and morning and evening 
(in one text, every evening) the flying spray, rainbow-tinted, 
sheds brightness on all sides. The dragon of the spring in the 
time of Kasyapa Buddha was a man named King (or KengyH 
(Gafigi ? Julien), able by his magical exorcisms to control dragons 
and prevent them from sending violent rains. For his services 
in this way the inhabitants had given him flxed yearly con- 
tributions of grain. Bat the contributions fell off, and the 
magician, enraged at the defaulters, expressed a wish to be in his 
next birth a wicked malicious dragon, and in consequence he 
was reborn as the dragon of this spring, the white water from 
which ruined the crops. Sakyamuni Buddha came to this district 
to convert the dragon ; on this occasion the Vajrapani god struck 
the cliff with his mace, and the dragon becoming terrified took 
refuge in Buddhism. On his admission to the church the Buddha 
forbade him to injure the crops, and the dragon asked to be 
allowed to have these once every twelve years for his maintenance ; 
to this petition Buddha compassionately assented. And so once 
every twelve years the country has the "white water" infliction. • 

Major Deane says that the distance and direction here 
given by our pilgrim "bring us exactly to Kalam, the point 
at which the Utrot and Laspur (Ushu in our maps) 
streams meet. The junction of these is the present head 
of the Swat river." 

The word Apalala means wUhout straw, and it is ren- 
dered in Chinese by Wu-tao-kan (M |@ :^) meaning "with- 
out ricestraw". Another translation is Wu-miao (te "g) 
that is "without sprouting grain". The name seems to 
have been given to the dragon of the Swat on account 
of the ravages among the crops made by the floods of 
that river. We read in the Sarvata Vinaya^ that the 
Buddha, on a certain occasion near the end of his career, 
took with him his attendant Yaksha named Chin-kang-shou 
or Vajrapani, and went through the air to the country 

» For this Jataka see Fo - shuo - p'u - sa - pen - hsing - ching, eh. 2 
(No. 432) ; Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch. 14; Liu-tu-ching, ch. 5 (No. 143) ; Hsien- 
chie-ching, ch. 4 (No. 403). In the Oh'u-yao- ching, ch. 23 (No. 1321) 
the story is told of . Siddhartha while preparing to become Buddha. 

' Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, ch. 9. 

230 apaij£la ifAaA. 

beyond the Indus to subdue and convert this dragon. 
When Euddha arrived at the palace of the dragon the 
latter became greatly enraged, and caused fierce showers 
of rain and hail to descend on the Buddha. Determined 
to put the dragon in terror Buddha caused the Yaksha 
to smite the adjoining mountain vdth his adamantine club, 
whereupon a vast fragment of the mountain fell into the 
dragon's tank. At the same time Buddha caused a magic 
fire to appear all around the place. Then the dragon, 
frightened and helpless, came to Buddha's feet, gave in 
his submission, and was converted with all his family. It 
is worthy of note that in this Vinaya story the dragon- 
king is required by Buddha to take up his abode in 
Magadha. This dragon is also called A^^'o-lo and we 
find the Spring which was his residence located in the 
"Yue-shi (Getse) country of North India" or simply in 
"North India". The "A-yii-wang-chuan" places the home 
of this dragon in Udyana, but the "A-yii-wang-ching" and 
the Divyavadana do not mention his country. In a Vinaya 
treatise, apparently from Pali sources, we read of a dragon 
called Alapalu in Kapin (Kashmir), who is overcome and 
converted by the great arhat Madhyantika (Majjhantika) 
who had come as an apostle to introduce Buddhism, i 
This legend seems to be a version of the story here nar- 
rated, Majjhantika taking the place of the Buddha. 

Julien in his translation of the description of the Swat 
river here seems to have followed the text of the Life 
rather than that of his author. The latter does not state 
that an arm of the river flows to the south-west; it is, 
as the passage and context show, the river itself which 
so flows. Nor does Yuan-chuang state that "dans ce pays 
il gele au printemps et en ete", for that would be at 
variance with his former statement about the climate of 
the country; it is the river which is cold through spring 
and summer. Moreover, although fei-hsue does mean 
"flying snow", it also means "flying spray", and that is its 

< Shan-Chien-lii-Tibhasha, ch. 2 (No. 1126). 


meaning here. There was apparently a cascade near the 
source of the river; and the morning and evening (or, the 
evening) sun daily shone on the dense white spray tossed 
up in the air, and made it bright and beautiful with the 
colours of the rainbow. 

The "white water" of this district is referred to by 
other authorities. Thus Alberuni' quotes Jiva^arman to 
the effect that "in the country of Svat, opposite the district 
of Ejrl(?) there is a valley in which 53 streams unite; 
during the 26* and 27*'^ days of the month Bhadrapada 
the water of this valley becomes white, in consequence of 
Mahadeva's washing in it, as people believe". According 
to the Fang-chih it was the rains which the dragon sent 
that made the water plague. 

Above 30 li south-west from the Apalala dragon spring, and 
on the north bank of the river, was a large ilat stone with the 
Buddha's footprints; these, the size of which varied with the 
religious merit of the measurer, were left by the Buddha when 
he was going away after having converted the dragon ; a building 
had been erected over them and people from far and near came 
to make offerings. Above 30 li farther down the river was the 
rock on which Buddha had washed his robe, the lines of the 
robe being- still distinct like carving. 

Above 400 li south from Mangkil was the Hi-lo mountain; 
the stream of the mountain valley flows west; as you go up it 
eastward flowers and fruits of various kinds cover the water- 
course and climb the steeps; the peaks and precipices are hard 
to pass, and the ravines wind and curve; you may hear the 
sound of loud talking or the echo of musical strains: square 
stones like couches (in D, topes) made by art form an unbroken 
series over the gulley. It was here that Ju-lai once gave up 
his life for the hearing of a half-stanza of doctrine. 

The stone with the miraculous footprints of the Buddha 
and the rock on which he had washed his robe and spread 
it out to dry are described in the Fo-kuo-chi and the 
Ka-lan-chi, and the accounts in these works should be 
compared with our pilgrim's narrative. For the words 
"the streams of the gorge flow west and as you go up 
them eastward", Julien has "Les eaux de la vallee se 

1 Alberuni Vol. ii, p. 182. 


partagent a I'ouest et remontent ensuite du cote de I'orient." 
This cannot, however, be taken as the meaning of the 
text which is ^y^i.WMMM'MJ^ 1^*' "*^® water of 
the mountain-valley goes off to the west; going up east 
against the course of the stream — ". The pilgrim is 
probably here describing a part of his journey from Uda- 
kahantu to the capital of Udyana. In the last sentence 
of the present passage we have reference to a curious 
Jataka. In a very far off time when there was no Buddha 
in the world tl^e P'usa was a brahmin student living on 
the Himavat; he knew all secular lore, but had never 
heard the teaching of Buddhism. He expressed his great 
desire to learn at any cost some of the doctrines of that 
religion, and Indra, wishing to prove the sincerity of the 
brahmin's desire, disguised himself as a hideous rakshasa, 
came to the Himavat, and appeared before the Brahmin. 
On behalf of the latter he uttered haK of the stanza 
beginning with the words "all things are impermanent"; 
the brahmin was delighted and asked for the other half. 
But the rakshasa refused to utter this imtil the brahmin 
promised to give himself up as food to the rakshasa in 
reward for the recital. When the second half of the 
stanza was uttered the brahmin threw himself from a tree 
towards the rakshasa ; but the latter in his form as Indra 
saved the devotee's life,* 

Above 200 li south from Mangkil at the side of a mountain 
was the Mo-ha-fa-na (Mahavana or Great "Wood) monastery. 
Ju-Iai long ago as P'usa was the Sa-fo-ta-cMh king; to avoid 
his enemy he gave up his kingdom and going into obscurity 
came to this place ; here he met a mendicant brahmin, and hav- 
ing nothing whatever to give the brahmin, he made the latter 
bind him and deliver him up to the king his enemy, the reward 
offered for the exiled king being the latter's alms to the brahmin. 

Thfe Monastery of the Great Wood according to Major 
Deane "was apparently on the western, or north-western, 
slopes of the present Mahaban. Numerous ruins exist on 

» See the Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ching, ch. 14 (No. 113); Hsiian-chi-pai- 
yuan-ching ch. 4 (No. 1324); Ta-chlh-tu-lun, ch. 12. 


the lower slopes and also on the higher portions of Ma- 
hahan". But D' Stein thinks that Mahaban is too far 
away, and that the MahSvana monastery was at Finjkotai 
at Sunigram.1 In the B and D texts the name of the 
good king is given as Sa-fo-ta-chih (^ ^ ^ ±.)j hut in- 
stead of chih the other texts have ta repeated. The name 
is interpreted as meaning "All-giving", and the original 
was either Sarvada, as in some places, or Sarvadada as 
in other passages. Our pilgrim's version of this pretty 
jataka agrees with the story in the Buddhist books except 
that in these the locality is not given. 2 

North-west from, the Mahavana monastery, and 30 or 40 li 
down the mountain, was the Mo-yii (^ '{^) monastery with a 
tope above 100 feet high, and at the side of it a large square 
stone on which were the Buddha's footprints. These were left 
when the Buddha treading on the stone sent forth a !Koti of ray 
of light which illumined the Mahavana Monastery while he 
related his former births to men and devas. At the base of the 
tope was a stone of a pale yellow colour yielding a constant 
exudation; it was here that the Buddha as P'usa hearing Buddhist 
, doctrine wrote the sacred text with a splinter from one of his bones, 

A note added to the text here tells us that Mo-yu is 
in Chinese tou, a general name for all kinds of pulse. 
Julien reads the second character of the word as su and 
regards the transcription as representing the Sanskrit word 
Masura which means lentils. But all my texts have Mo- 
yu and this agrees with the Glossary. The native inter- 
pretation may be a mistake, and the Chinese characters 
may represent Mayu for Maytikha, a word which means 
brightness, a ray of light. This suggestion is strengthened 
by the statement which our pilgrim makea about the 
Buddha here shedding a bright light which lit up the 
Mahavana Monastery. The incident of the Buddha in 
one of his previous births taking a splinter of one of his 
bones to write out a Buddhist text is taken from a Jataka 
mentioned in several of the Chinese writings. In some 

1 Ind. Ant. Vol. xxviii, pp. 14, 58. 

2 See Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch. 12 and 33. 


versions of the story the P'usa's name is Ai (or Lo)-fa 
(f^or^fi), "Loving or Eejoicing in dharma"S but in 
other versions he is Yu-to-lo (or Tu-to-li), and in the 'Der 
"Weise u. d. Thor' he is Udpala.2 As the price of hearing 
a sacred text of Buddhism the P'usa agreed to write the 
text with a pencil made from one of his bones on paper 
made from his skin and with his blood for ink. The 
person who made this hard bargain was a brahmin or 
the Devil disguised as such. 

Sixty or seventy U to the west of the Mo-yil Monastery was 
an Asoka tope to mark the spot at which the P'usa in his birth 
as Shih-p'i-ka (Sivika) king sliced his body to ransom a pigeon 
from a hawk. 

A note added to the Chinese text here tells us that 
Shih-pH-ka, the correct form for the old Shih-p'i, means 
"giving", but we are not bound to accept either the cor- 
rection or the interpretation. The story of the Rajah of 
6ivi (or Raja Sivi) saving a pigeon chased by a hawk, 
and then cutting off portions of his own flesh to weigh 
against the pigeon, and finally putting his skeleton in the 
scales in order to have an equivalent in weight for the 
bird which still remained heavier, is told or referred to 
in many Buddhist books. It is found also in old Brah- 
minical literature and Dasaratha is reminded by his queen 

"His flesh and blood the truthful Saivya gave 
And fed the hawk a suppliant dove to save". 

According to the common versions of the story the 
hawk was Indra bent on proving or tempting the king, 
and the pigjpon is in some versions Agni, in others Visva- 
karma, or a "frontier king".^ In the "Liu-tu-chi-ching" 
the king's name is given as Sarvada. In the "Hsien-yii- 
ching", and in other works, the capital of Sivi is Dipavati 

> Ta-ohih-tu-lun, ch. 16 and 49. 

2 Hsien-yu-ching, ch. 1; Der Weise u. d. T., S. 15; P'u-sa-pen- 
hsing-ching, ch. 3 wBfere the F'usa is the rishi Yu-to-li (^ ^ ^). 

3 Liu-tu-chi-ching, ch. 1. 


or Devapati, the Devawarta of "Der Weise u. d. Thor".i 
Fa-hsien makes the scene of this deed of charity to have 
been in the So-ho-to, that is probably Svat, country, to 
the south of his Udyana.^ In some works Sivi is a per- 
sonal name, in others the name of a people or country, 
and there is a king Sivi among the supposed ancestors 
of G-autama Buddha. ^ Yuan-chuang apparently understood 
his Sivika to be a personal name or epithet. 

Above 200 li north-west from the Pigeon-ransom Tope and in 
the Shan-ni-lo-she valley was the Sa-pao-sha-ti monastery with 
a tope above 80 feet high. It was here that Ju-lai in his 
existence as Indra encountered a year of famine with pestilence. 
In order to save the people's lives the F'usa as Indra changed 
himself into a great serpent lying dead in the valley; the 
starving and distressed, in response to a voice from the void, 
cut from his body pieces of flesh which were at once replaced, 
and all who ate were satisfied and cured. Near this Monastery 
was the Su-mo great tope where Ju-lai in his Indra life in a 
time of plague changed himself into a Su-mo serpent and all 
who ate his flesh were cured. By the side of the cliff at the 
north of the Shan-ni-lo-she valley was a tope with powers of 
healing. It was here that Ju-lai in his existence as a king of 
peacocks pecked the rock and caused water to flow for the 
refreshment of his flock ; there was a spring and the traces of 
the peacock's feet were to be seen on the rock. 

The Shan-ni-lo-she of this passage may be, as Julien 
suggests, for Saniraja, and the Sa-pao-sha-ti for the word 
Sarpaushadhi. This latter means "serpent medicine", and 
this agrees with the rendering in the Chinese note to the 
ordinary texts. The D edition gives the translation as 
"Earth Medicine", but this is probably the result of some 
copyist's error. The Su-mo of the text is perhaps for 
Soma, although Julien restores it as Suma and translates 
Su-mo-she by "water serpent". 

Major Deane supposes our pilgrim's Saniraja to be "the 
Adiozai valley entered from Swat at Chakdara". In this 

1 Hsien-yii-ching, ch. 1; Der Weise u. d. T., S. 16. 

2 Fo-kuo-chi, ch. 9. 

3 Dip. p. 132. 


Chakdara district, he tells us, there is a large tope which 
is still known to some of the people by the name Suma. 
In a Buddhist sutra' we read of the Bodhisattva in his 
birth as Indra becoming a great reptile called Jen-liang- 
chung (■t; H ^) interpreted as meaning "the reptile bene- 
volent and of healing efficacy". When the Kuru country 
was afflicted with plague Indra caused a voice from the 
void to call the people to cut from his (that is, the 
reptile's) body, and eat the flesh, and be cured. The people 
flocked to the carcase, and eagerly cut pieces of its flesh 
which never suffered diminution, new flesh replacing the 
pieces cut away. A similar story is found in other books; 
but the inexhaustible benevolent animal is usually a large 
fish. 2 

About sixty li south-west from Mangkil city and on the east 
side of a great river was the tope erected by Uttarasena, king 
of this country, to enclose his share of the relics of the Tjuddha's 
body, and near this was the tope which that king built to mark 
the spot "at which his large white elephant bearing the precious 
relics had suddenly died and become a rock. 

There does not seem to be any mention either of Udyana 
or of Uttarasena in the various accounts given in the 
various Nirva^ia treatises of the division of the Buddha's 
relics. But other authorities relate how a female elephant 
named Mo-tu (or Mata) bearing relics of Buddha to a 
north country died suddenly on the way, was afterwards 
reborn as a human creature and became an arhat with 
an enormous appetite. ^ Yuan-chuang also tells in another 

1 Ta-pao-chi-ching, ch. 8 (Bun. No. 23(3)). 

2 Hsien-yu-ching, ch. 7; Der Weise u. d. T„ S. 215; P'u-sa-pen- 
hsing-ching, ch. 3. 

3 Abhi.-ta-vib., ch. 42. Major Deane tells us that on the Swat 
River "between Ghaligai and Shankardar, the natives of the country 
describe the remains of a stOpa as still standing; and this is un- 
doubtedly that referred to by the Pilgrim— for the Pilgrim records 
next a large rock on the bank of the great river, shaped like an 
elephant. This rock is a conspicuous landmark existing near the 
river, about twelve miles from the village of Thana, and near Ghali- 
gai", op. c. p. 660. 


place of an arhat of Kashmii' who in a previous existence 
had been a king's elephant, and had been given to a monk 
to carry some Buddhist scriptures. When the elephant 
died he was reborn as a human being, entered the Buddhist 
church, and rose to be an arhat. 

West from Mangkil above 50 li and across a large river was 
the Lu-hi-ta-ka (Eohitaka or Bed) tope above 50 feet high 
erected by Asoka. At this place Ju-lai in his birth as Tzu-li 
(Compassion-strength) king drew blood from his body to feed 
five Yakshas. 

The Tgu-U, "whose strength is compassion", of this 
passage is the king Maitra-bala (or Maitribala) of certain 
Jatakas. This king, who lived in an unknown past and 
in an undefined country, had administered his kingdom 
so perfectly that the Takshas in it were reduced to star- 
vation, as they could not obtain human blood and life on 
which to subsist. At last five of these cl-eatures came to 
the king and laid their sad case before him. The king 
in utter pity made five incisions in his body and refreshed 
the Yakshas with his blood. Having done this he taught 
them the way of mercy to creatures, and induced them to 
take the vows of good life as Buddhists. Very long after- 
wards when the king came into the world and became 
Buddha these five Yakshas were bom as human creatures 
and became Ajnata Kaundinya and his four companions, 
the first disciples of the Buddha.' 

In this passage "Rohitaka tope" probably denotes "the 
tope of Rohitaka". This was the name of a town or village 
and in an interesting passage of the Sarvata Vinaya it is 
placed in India south of Kashmir. 2 It was here that 
Buddha, while lodged and entertained by a good Buddhist 
Yaksha, gave his disciples leave to eat grapes purified by 
fire and to drink grape-syrup. The grapes offered to the 
disciples on this occasion are said to have been brought 

* P'u-sa-pen-sneng-man-lun, ch. 3 where the P'usa is king Tzu-li 
(W^ ^)> Hsien-yii-ching, ch. 2 where the king's name is Mi-k'a-lo- 
po-lo but rendered in Chinese by Tzu-li; Jatakamala (Kern) S. 41. 

2 Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, ch. 9. 


from Kashmir by the Yakshas, and the fruit was new to 
the disciples. Major Deane thinks that the village of the 
tope is that now called Hazara and adds that the natives 
describe the tope as still existing, i 

Above thirty li to the north-east of Mangkil was the 0-pUrta 
(Adbhuta or Marvellous) stone tope above forty f«et high. The 
Buddha had preached and taught here, and after his departure 
the tope emerged from the ground and became an object of 
worship. West from this stone tope across a great river thirty 
or forty K was a Buddhist temple {ching-she) in which was an 
image of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara (Kuan-tzu-tsai P'usa) of 
mysterious power with miraculous manifestations; it was an 
object of pilgrimage for Buddhists and its worship was con- 

North-west from this image 140 or 150 li was the Lan-po-lu 
mountain on which was a dragon-lake above 30 li in circuit. 
The pilgrim then tells the story of the exiled Sakya from Kapi- 
lavastu who came to this place, married the dragon's daughter, 
assassinated the king of Udyana and reigned in his stead; this 
king was the father of Uttarasena. After this we have the story 
of the mother of king Uttarasena being converted by the Buddha 
and regaining her sight. 

The marvellous stone tope of this passage, Major Deane 
tells us, is said to be still in existence, but this may be 
doubted. Above 30 li west from this tope was the Buddhist 
temple which Deane following B. wrongly calls "Vihara", 
and about 140 li north-west from this we have the Lan- 
po-lu mountain. "This measurement", Major Deane writes, 
"brings us exactly to the head of the Aushiri valley, which 
drains into the Panjkora near Darora. How the Pilgrim 
got his distance over several valleys and intervening high 
spurs, it is difficult to conjecture. But on the hill to 
which it brings us there is found a large lake, more than 
a mile in length." 

Our pilgrim represents the conversion of Uttarasena's 
mother and the restoration of her sight as having occurred 
at Mangkil. In the Sarvata Vinaya the conversion of the 
queen-mother is stated to have occurred in a city called 

> Op. c. p. 660. 


Tao-Jcu-lu-ko (fgg^ ^ ^) or "G-rain-loft" which was appa- 
rently in this region. 1 


The narrative in the Records now proceeds. 

North-east fromMangkil over hills and across galleys ascend- 
ing the Indus by hazardous paths through gloomy gorges, cross- 
ing bridges of ropes or iron chains, across bridges spanning 
precipices or climbing by means of pegs for steps, a journey of 
above 1000 li brings you to the Ta-li-lo valley, the old seat of 
government of TTdyana. The district yields much gold and 
saffron. In the valley is a great Monastery by the side of which 
is a carved wooden image of Tzu-shik P'usa (Maitreya Bodhi- 
sattva) of a brilliant golden hue and of miraculous powers ; it is 
above 100 feet high ; it was the work of the arhat Madhyantika. 
who by his supernatural power thrice bore the artist to Tushita 
Heaven t6 study Maitreya's beautiful characteristics ; the spread 
of Buddhism eastwards dates from the existence of this image. 

It is worthy of note that the Life represents Yuan- 
chuang as only learning of the road to Ta-li-lo, whereas 
the text of the Records seems to imply that he actually 
travelled from Mangkil to that place. One text of the 
Life also makes the distance between the two places to 
be only ten li, but in the D text it is 1000 li as in the 
Records. The Ta-li-lo valley is apparently, as Cunningham 
suggests, the To-li country of Fa-hsien and the modern 
Darel; it may be also the TcUa-Po (Dard?) of a Buddhist 
^astra.2 The great wooden image of Maitreya in this 
district was a very celebrated one, and it is strange to 
find our pilgrim making it 100 feet high while Fa-hsien 
makes it only 80 feet high. 3 


Proceeding* east from Ta-li-lo across mountains and gulleys 
going up the Indus, by flying bridges over precipices, a journey 
of above 500 li brought you to the Po-lu-lo country. This was 

1 Sar. Vin. 1. c. 

2 A. G. I. p. 82; Abhi-ta-vib., eh. 79 \Ta-la-Vo ^ H ^). 

3 Fo-kuo-chi, ch. 6. 


above 4000 li in circuit and was situated in the Great Snow 
Mountains, it was long from east to west and narrow from north 
to south; it produced wheat and pulse and gold and silver. The 
people were rich, the climate was cold; the inhabitants were 
rude and ugly in appearance; they wore wooUen clothes, their 
writing was very like that of India but their spoken language 
was peculiar. There were some hundreds of Buddhist Monasteries; 
and some thousands of Brethren who were without definite 
learning, and were very defective in their observance of the rules 
of their Order. 

The Po-lu-lo of this passage is apparently, as has been 
suggested by others, the Bolor of later writers and the 
modern Balti or Little Tibet. But it may be doubted 
whether the pilgrim's account was derived from a personal 
visit; it may have been aU obtained at Mangkil. Accord- 
ing to the Fang-chih the traveller after a journey of 500 li 
east from Darel crossed the Oxus east into the Po-lu-lo 
country. The narrative in the Life does not make any 
mention of this country. 


Prom this (i. e. Bolor) the pilgrim returned to Utakahantu 
(TJdaka Khanda) city, went south across the Indus here three 
or four li broad and flowing south-west (in B and but in D 
south) pure and clear, to the Takshasila country. This was above 
2000 li in circuit, its capital being above ten li in circuit. The 
chiefs were in a state of open feud, the royal family being 
extinguished; the country had formerly been subject to Kapis 
but now it was a dependency of Kashmir; it had a fertile soil 
and bore good crops, with flowing streams and luxuriant vege- 
tation; the climate was genial; and the people, who were plucky, 
were adherents of Buddhism. Although the Monasteries were 
numerous, many of them were desolate, and the Brethren, who 
were very few, were all Mahayanists. 
The Ta-cha-sM-lo (Takshasila or Taxila) of this passage 
seems to be described by the pilgrim as adjacent to 
Gandhara, but Fa-hsien makes Takshasila to be seven days' 
journey east from his Gandhara.^ These two travellers 
treat TakshaSila as a district separate from Gandhara, 

1 Fo-kuo-chi, ch. 11. 


but in several of the Buddhist books it appears as a part or 
city of that country. Fa-hsien explains the name as meaning 
"cut off head" as if the second part of the word were 
^ira. Another author translates it by sio-sMh (fij jQ) or 
"severed rock", i and another by ts'o-shih (^ Jjff) or 
"chiseled rock;2 it is rendered by "rock-cave",* and inter- 
preted as meaning "the Eock of the Takkas". The Pali 
form of the name is Takkasila. In very old times, it is 
fabled, a city called BhadraMla was on the site afterwards 
occupied by Takshaiila,* and in modem times the latter 
has also had the name Marlkala.^ Baron Hugel thought 
that the site of the old city corresponded with that of 
the present Rawal-Pindi,* but Cunningham places the site 
of TakshaSila at the modern Shahdheri, a mile to the 
north-east of Kalaka-serai. There seems to be much in 
favour of Cunningham's identification which has been gene- 
rally accepted.' According to the statements in the 
Buddhist books TakshaSila was at one time an important 
trading centre, and a great seat of learning specially 
famed for its medical teachers.8 It formed a part of 
Asoka's empire; and that sovereign, and after him his son, 
were viceroys appointed to reside at it before they suc- 
ceeded to the throne. 9 

Above 70 li to the north-west of the capital was the tank of 
the I-lo-po-ta-lo (Blapattra) Dragon-king above 100 paces in 
circuit, its limpid water beautiful with various-coloured lotuses. 
This dragon was the bhikshu who in the time of Kasyapa 

1 Hsing-chi-ching, ch. 38. 

2 A-yii-wang-ching, ch. 10. 

3 B. g. in A-yii-wang-hsi-huai-mu-yin-yuan-ching (Bun. No. 1367). 
It is sometimes doubtful whether the name "Rock-cave" is applied 
to Takshasila or to Gandhara. 

< Bud. Lit. Nep. p. 310. 
5 Alberuni Vol. i, p. 302. 

Travels in Kashmir and the Panjab p. 230 et al. 
' A. G. I. p. 104 ; Mo Crindle's Invasion of India by Alexander 
the Great p. 342. 

8 Ta-chuang-ytin-lun-ching, ch. 8, 16. 

9 Divyav. p. 371; A-yii-wang-chuan, ch. 1. 



Buddha destroyed an 1-lo-po-ta-lo tree; hence when the natives 
are praying for rain or fine weather they have to go with a 
monk to the tank, and when they have cracked their fingers, 
and spoken the dragon fair, they are sure to have their prayers 
The story here alluded to of the very ancient Buddhist 
monk who was afterwards reborn as the Elapattra Dragon- 
king is told with slight variations in several Buddhist 
books. The monk was a very pious good ascetic living 
in a lonely hermitage among Oardamon (Ela) plants or 
"Ila trees". He was much given to ecstatic meditation, 
and on one occasion he remained absorbed in thought all 
the morning and until it was the afternoon. He then 
arose, took his bowl, and went in the usual manner into 
the town or village, to beg his daily food. The people, 
seeing him beg for food out of hours, upbraided him, and 
made disagreeable remarks about his violation of the rules 
of his Order. The monk became annoyed and irritated 
by these remarks, and went back, to his hermitage. Here 
he paced up and down as usual, but being in a bad 
temper he could not endure the touch of the leaves of 
the Ela (or "Ha trees"). So he tore them off and angrily 
strewed them on the ground. When the Buddha Ka^yapa 
came to remonstrate with him for injuring the plants, and 
tried to bring him to a proper frame of mind, the monk 
was rude to the Buddha, and refused to take his reproof. 
For the two offences, eating food in the afternoon and 
breaking off the Ela leaves (or scorning the Buddha's 
reproof for doing so), the monk was reborn as a Dragon- 
king. In this form he had a monstrous, hideous, and 
distressing body with seven heads from each of which 
grew an "Ha tree", and so long was his body that it 
reached from Benares to Taksha^ila, a distance of above 
200 Yojanas. While the Buddha was at Benares this 
Elapattra dragon came thither seeking for the explanation 
of an incomprehensible verse, and having assumed the form 
of a' universal sovereign, he presented himself in the con- 
gregation of the Buddha. The latter, however, caused the 
dragon to resume his proper form, and then informed him 


that at the advent of Maitreya he would be released from 
the dragon existence. Elapattra then undertook to lead 
a life of gentleness and mercy not doing harm to any 
creature. 1 In all the Chinese transcriptions the name 
Ela (or Ila)-pattra is given both to the tree which the 
bhikshu injured and to the dragon-king, but there does 
not seem to be any plant or tree with the name Ela- 
pattra. I-ching transcribes the name of the dragon I-lo- 
po as if for Elapat, and he uses a different transcription 
for the name of the great Treasure. 

From the Dragon-Tank Yuan-chuang proceeded south-east for 
above thirty li to a place between two ranges of hills where 
there was an Asoka tope above 100 feet high. This marked the 
spot at which, according to the Buddha's prediction, when 
Maitreya comes as Buddha one of the four great natural Treasures 
of valuables will be in existence. 

The four great Treasures here alluded to are those of 
Elapattra in Gandhara, Panduka in Mithila, Pingala in 
Kalinga, and Sankha in the Kasi (Benares) country.^ 
According to some authorities it was at Savatthi that the 
Buddha made to Anathapindaka the announcement of the 
existence of these four hidden Treasures to be revealed 
at the time when Maitreya comes to be Buddha, but other 
versions of the story differ. 3 So also some accounts re- 
present the Treasures as being already made use of by 
the people who every seventh year, on the seventh day of 
the seventh month, drew at will from the Treasures, which 
did not experience any diminution.* When Maitreya 
comes as Buddha the Elapattra, Panduka, and Pingala 
Treasures are to be transferred to that of Sankha. In 
the Tseng-yi-a-han'ching we find the terms dragon and 

1 Fu-kai-cheng-so-chi-ching (H ^ iE ^ ^ M)' «*• H < Sar. Vin. 
Tsa-shih, ch. 21; J. B. T. S. Vol. ii, P. 1, p. 2; Rockhill Life p. 46. 

2 See Divyav. p. 61. 

3 Anathapindada - hua - ch'i - tzu - ching (No. 649) ; Tseng - yi - a - han- 
ching, ch. 49. 

* Upasaka-chie-ching, ch. 5 (No. 1088). See also Sar. Vin. Yao- 

shih, ch. 6. 



dragon-Mng applied to ElSpattra in connection with the 
Treasure at TakshaSila in Gandhara, but in the other 
accounts there is no reference to a dragon. Some think 
that Elapattra was the name of a king, but it was pro- 
bably the name of the place afterwards extended to the 
Tank and the dragon of the Tank. It was undoubtedly 
this Elapattra Treasure which our pilgrim here mentions 
as a sacred spot divinely protected and marked by a tope. 

Above twelve li to the nortli of TakshasUa city, the pilgrim 
continues, was an Asoka tope which on Fast days sent forth a 
brilliant light accompanied by divine flowers and heavenly music. 
Tuan-chuang learned at the place that within recent times a 
miracle had occurred in connection with this tope. A woman 
afflicted with a repulsive skin-disease had come to it for purposes 
of worship; finding the building in a very filthy state she set 
to work to cleanse it, and having succeeded in this she presented 
flowers and incense. Thereupon her disease left her, and she 
became a beautiful woman, breathing a perfume of blue lotus. 
At the site of this tope, Yuan-chuang tells us, the P'usa as 
Chandraprabha (Moon-brightness) king cut off his own head as 
an act of charity, and did this in 1000 similar births. 

Fa-hsien simply relates that the P'usa here once gave 

his head in charity to a man, and adds that this act gave 

its name to the country, as if Taksha-^ira or "Severed 

head".! In another treatise it is the king of the Kan-yi 

(^ ^) country who agrees to give his head to a vricked 

and importunate petitioner, but when the latter draws his 

sword to cut off the king's head, a deity intervenes and 

saves the king's life.^ In this Jataka the king is the 

P'usa, and the cruel petitioner is Devadatta. This story 

is told with some variations in the "Divyavadana Mala" 

where the king is Chandraprabha, and his head is actually 

cut off by the petitioner.* In one book we read of Prince 

Moon-brightness (Chandraprabha) giving his blood and 

marrow to heal a poor distressed man.* It is rather 

' Po-kuo-chi 1. c. 

' Liu-tu-chi-ching, ch. 1. 

3 Bud. Lit. Nep. p. 310. 

4 Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch. 12. 


curious to find the story "which Yuan-chuang here tells 
about the woman afflicted with a loathsome skin disease 
cleansing the sacred building and offering flowers and in 
consequence becoming healed and endowed with beauty 
and a sweet breath quoted in an Abhidharma-vibhSsha- 

Near the Head-giving Tope, Yuan-chuang relates, was an old 
ruinous Monastery occupied by a few Brethren. It was in this 
monastery that the Satttrantika Doctor in Buddhism by name Kou- 
mo-h-lo-to (Kumaralabdha) once composed expository treatises. 

The name of this learned Buddhist Sastra-master as 
given here is translated in a Chinese note by Tung-shou 
(^■^) 01' "Received from the Youth", that is from Ku- 
mara, the god of war, the name being Kumaralabdha. In 
the Life the name is given as Ku(Kou)-mo-lo-to and trans- 
lated wrongly by "youth's life". Kumaralabdha, we learn 
from another part of the Records, was a native of this 
country, but he was taken by force to Kabandha where 
the king of the country gave him a splendid monastery 
in the old palace grounds. He was, we are told elsewhere, 
the founder of the Sautrantika School, and he was cele- 
brated over all the Buddhist world for his genius, his 
great learning, and his controversial abilities. He was 
one of the "Four Suns illuminating the world", the three 
others being Asvaghosha, Deva, and Nagarjuna.^ Kuma- 
ralabdha is mentioned by TSranatha as a Sautrantika 
Master by the name Gzon-nu-len or " Youth-obtained", but 
he seems to be little known in Buddhist literature and 
history.' He may perhaps be the great Kiu{Ku)-mo-lo-to 
who is the 18*'' (or 19">) in the list of Buddhist Patriarchs.'* 

On the north side of the south hill to the south-east of the 
capital was a tope above 100 feet high erected by king Asoka 

> Abhi-ta-vib., ch. 114. Here Asoka had built a Ohaitya at "the 
place where king Chandraprabha had given 1000 heads (his own head 
1000 times). 

3 Ch. 12; J. Vol. iii, p. 213, 

3 Tar. S. 78. 

* Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yuan-chuan, cli. 6 (No. 1340). 


on the spot where his son Prince Ku-lang-na (for Ku-na-lang), 
orEunala, had his eyes torn out by the guile of his step-mother; 
the blind came here to pray, and many had their prayers answered 
by restoration of sight. Our pilgrim then proceeds to tell his 
version of the story of Kunala's career; of Asoka on the advice 
of his wicked second queen sending his son to govern Takshasila, 
of the blinding of this prince there by the cruel deceitful action 
of this queen, of the return of the prince and his princess to 
the king's palace, and of the restoration of the prince's eyesight 
effected by the Buddhist arhat Ghosha. 

Some versions of this pathetic story represent Asoka as 
sending his son to restore order in Takshasila on the 
advice of a Minister of state and without any interference 
on the part of Tishyaraksha, the cruel, vindictive, libidi- 
nous queen, and in some accounts the prince dies after 
his return home without having any miracle to restore 
his eyes. His name was Dharmavivardhana, and his father 
gave him the sobriquet Kunala because his eyes were 
small and beautiful, precisely like those of the Himavat 
bird with that name. The blinding of this pious and 
virtuous prince was the consequence of bad Karma wrought 
in a far-past existence. He had blinded 500 deer, accord- 
ing to one story; or an arhat, according to another version; 
or he had taken the eyes out of a chaitya, according to 
the Avadana-kalpalata. Ghosha, the name of the arhat 
who restored eyesight to Kunala, was also the name of 
a physician of this district who was celebrated as an 
oculist. ' 

The Takshasila city and region were celebrated from 
old tiines, and we read of the king of the country who 
was contemporary with the Euddha coming to Rajagaha 
on the invitation of king Bimbisara to see Buddha. This 
king became a convert and was ordained, but he died by 
an unhappy accident before he could return to his king- 
dom. With reference to this country in later times we 

* A-yii-wang-chuan, ch. 3; A-yii-wang-hsi-huai-mu-yin-yuan-ching 
(the Prince is sent on the advice of Yasa); Fa-yi-ching (?i ^ ^M) 
where the story is like that told by Yuan-chuang; Divyav. p. 416; 
Bur. Int. p. 404; Bud. Lit, Nep. p. 61. 


have the following interesting passage in Cunningham's 
''Ancient Geography of India" — "At the time of Asoka's 
accession the wealth of Taxila is said to have amounted 
to 36 Jiotis or 360 millions of some unnamed coin, which, 
even if it was the silver tanr/ka, or six pence, would have 
amoimted to nine crores of rupees, or £ 9,000,000. It 
is probable, however, that the coin intended by the Indian 
writer was a gold one, in which case the wealth of this 
city would have amounted to about 90 or 100 millions of 
pounds. I quote this statement as a proof of the great 
reputed wealth of Taxila within fifty years after Alexander's 
expedition" (p. 106). The whole of this statement is based 
on Burnoufs translation of a passage in the Asokavadana 
in the "Introduction a I'histoire du Buddhisme Indien" 
(p. 373) which reads — "Le roi (i. e. Asoka) fit fabriquer 
quatre-vingt-quatre mille boites d'or, d'argent, de cristal 
et de lapis-lazuli; puis il y fit enfermer les reliques. II 
donna ensuite aux Yakchas et deposa entre leurs mains 
qiiatre-vingt-quatre mille vases avec autant de bandelettes, 
les distribuant sur la terre tout entiere jusqu'aux rivages 
de I'ocean, dans les villes mferieures, principales, et 
moyennes, ou [la fortune des habitants] s'elevait a un koti 
[de Suvarnas]. Et il fit etablir, pour chacune de ces villes> 
un edit de la Loi. 

En ce temps-la on comptait dans la ville Takcha^ila 
trente-six kotis [de Suvarnas]. Les citoyens dirent au roi : 
Accorde-nous trente-six boites. Le roi reflechit qu'il ne 
le pouvait pas, puisque les reliques devaient etre distri- 
buees. Voici done le moyen qu'il employa: II faut re- 
trancher, dit-il, trente-cinque kotis. Et il ajouta: Les 
villes qui depasseront ce chiffre, comme celles qui ne 
I'atteindront pas, n'auront rien". 

It will be observed that in this passage the words "la 
fortune des habitants" and "de Suvarnas" are introduced 
by the learned translator to supplement the language and 
complete the meaning of his author. But these words do 
not seem to be warranted by the Sanskrit original, which 
apparently refers to inhabitants, and not to coins. This 


interpretation is supported by two out of the three Chinese 
translations, the third translation being apparently from 
a different text. The passage translated by Burnouf would 
thus mean something like the following — The king had 
84 000 boxes made to hold Buddha's relics. These boxes 
he gave to Yakshas to distribute among all large, medium, 
and small towns having a koti of inhabitants. But the 
people of TakshaSila said — We are thirty-six kotis in 
number and we want thirty-six boxes. The king seeing 
he could not give a box for every koti of inhabitants in 
his dominions said to the TakshaSilans — No, you must 
knock off thirty-five kotis for the rule is to be that a box 
is to be given only to those places which have exactly a 
koti of inhabitants neither more nor less.i 

According to one story the people of Taksha§ila accepted 
the king's conditions and received a box of relics. But 
from other accounts it is to be inferred that they did not 
obtain any of the relics. Neither Fa-hsien nor our pilgrim 
refers to the presence in this country of one of the 
84000 boxes containing Buddha's relics distributed by 
Yakshas for.Asoka. 


From this (that is, the neighbourhood of Takshasila) going south- 
east across hills and valleys for above 700 li you come to the 
Seng-ha-pu-lo (Sinhapura) country; this was about 3500 li in 
circuit with the Indus on its west frontier. The capital fourteen 
or fifteen li in circuit rested on hills and was a natural fortress. 
The soil of the country was fertile, the climate was cold, the 
people were rude, bold, and deceitful. There was no king and 
the country was a dependency of Kashmir. 
The text of this paragraph by itself and taken in con- 
nection with what follows presents serious difficulties. 
Although the pilgrim seems to describe himself here as 

1 Divyav. p. 381. In A-yii-wang-chuan, ch. 1 and in Tsa-a-han- 
ching, ch. 23 it is a matter of population, and in A-yii-wang-ching, 
eh. 1 it is a question of money. The particular form of expression 
used seems to be susceptible of both these interpretations. 


going south-east from Taksha^ila to Sinhapura, yet a little 
further on he represents himself as retm-ning from the 
latter to the north of the former. In the Life, at this 
part of Yuan-chuang's journey, the D text makes him hear 
of (g^) Sinhapura at Taksha^ila, hut the other texts state 
that Sinhapura was among (f^) the hills and valleys 
700 li south-east from TakshaSila. In another passage of 
the Life Sinhapura is placed ahout twenty-two days' 
journey from TakshaSila and apparently to the east of 
that city, but the direction is not given.* If the rest of 
the narrative with which we are now concerned be correct 
it would seem that north-east should be substituted for 
south-east in the statement of the direction of Sinhapura 
from Taksha^ila. We cannot imagine Yuan-chuang going 
700 li (about 140 miles) south-east from Taksha^ila, then 
turning back to the north of that district, and setting out 
from it again south-eastwards. From the context here it 
seems to be clear that Yuan-chuang places Siiihapura 
to the north of Taksha^ila rightly or wrongly. Moreover 
the "Fang-chih" which places Sinhapura to the south-east 
of Taksha^ila, following the Records, yet makes the latter 
place to be south of the former. 

Cunningham, in his "Ancient Geography of India", iden- 
tifies the capital of Sinhapur with Ketas "situated on 
the north side of the Salt Range, at 16 miles from Find 
Dadan Khan, and 18 miles from Chakowal, but not more 
than 85 miles from Shah-dheri or Taxila".^ This identi- 
fication, to which Cunningham did not adhere, has since 
been established by D' Stein to his own satisfaction and 
that of D' Buhler.3 It is true that distance from Taxila, 
extent of territory, situation of capital, and one or two 
other details do not tally, but such discrepancies are not 
insuperable difficulties to an enthusiastic Indian archaeo- 

1 Ch. 5. The T'ang-Shuh {ch. 221) agrees with Yuan-chuang in 
placing Sifighapura 700 li to the south-east of the Taxila district. 

2 A. G. I. p. 124. 

3 Trubner's Or. Rec. No. 249 p. 6. 


Near the south of the capital was an Asoka tope the beauty 
of which was impaired although its miraculous powers continued, 
and beside it was a Buddhist monastery quite deserted. Forty 
or fifty li to the south-east of the capital was a stone tope above 
200 feet high built by Asoka. Here were also more than ten 
tanks large and small — "a scene of sunshine". The banks of 
these tanks were of carved stone representing various forms and 
strange kinds of creatures. The struggling water (that is, the 
river which supplied the tanks) was a clear brawling current; 
dragons, fish, and other watery tribes moved about in the 
cavernous depths; lotuses of the four colours covered the sur- 
face of the clear ponds; all kinds of fruit trees grew thick 
making one splendour of various hues and, the brightness of 
the wood mixing with that of the tanks, the place was truly a 
pleasure- ground. 

The words "a scene of sunshine" in this passage are a 
quotation and in the original are ying-tai-tso-yu ([J^ ^ ^ 
:^) "a sunshine borne left and right". The meaning is 
that there was a c6ntinuous line of brightness along the 
sides of the tanks and the stream by which they were 
supplied. Julien understood the passage to mean that 
the tanks surrounded the tope "a gauche et a droite, 
d'une humide ceinture". But this seems to be impossible 
and is not in the original. Our pilgrim saw (or was told) 
that the mountain stream formed a pool or tank in its 
course, flowed out from this and formed another, and so 
on, making above ten tanks, the stream all the way between 
the tanks being above ground in the daylight. The people 
had afterwards furnished these tanks with facings for their 

banks made of curiously carved stone. 

Supposing Ketas to be the modern representative of 

Sinhapura we may compare with Yuan-chuang's account 
the description which D" Stein gives from personal ob- 
servation of the scenery at Murti a few miles south-east 
from Ketas — "The bed of the Ketas brook forms in the 
narrow and very picturesque Gamdhala valley a number 
of small tanks, and at a bend, where there are two large 
basins, stands the hill of Murti. From the top of the 
hill I heard distinctly the murmuring of the brook, which 
on leaving the chief tank, forces its way between a number 


of boulders. Dense groups of trees, such as Hiuen Tsiang 
describes, are reflected in the limpid waters of the tanks, 
which still swarm with fish". D^ Stein also saw at Ketas 
"two richly-ornamented stone pillars which were stated to 
have come from Murti". "The sculptures on their capitals 
differ", he adds, "but are decidedly in the Jaina style, 
showing seated, naked male figures with garlands in their 
hands. You will understand that tliey forcibly reminded 
me of Hiuen Tsiang's "balustrades of different shapes and 
of strange character"." The words within inverted commas 
at the end of this paragraph are an incorrect quotation 
from Burnouf who puts "balustrades" in italics and within 
brackets to show that the word is the gloss which he adds 
to his text. There is nothing whatever corresponding to 
the word in the Chinese. 

Our pilgrim continues his description and tells us that beside 
[the tope?] was a Buddhist monastery -which had long been un- 
occupied. Not far from the tope, he says, was the place at 
which the founder of the "White-clothes" sect having come to 
realize in thought the principles for which he had been seeking 
first preached his system, the place being now marked by a 
memorial beside which a Deva-Temple had been erected. The 
disciples [of the founder of the White-clothes sect] practise 
austerities persevering day and niglit without any relaxation. 
The system which their founder preached, Yuan-chuang says, 
was largely taken from the doctrines of the Buddhist canon. 
He proceeded according to classes and made rules of orderly 
discipline; the great (i. e. senior) disciples are Bhikshus and the 
small ones are called Sramaneras ; their rules of deportment and 
ritual observances are much like those of the Buddhist system; 
but they leave a little hair on the head and they go naked, or 
if they wear clothes these have the peculiarity of being white. 
By these differences of detail they have gradually become quite 
distinct (viz. from the Buddhists). The images of their "deva 
teacher" they have venturned to make like those of Buddha, 
with the difference as to clothing, the distinguishing marks being 
the same. 

From a careful study of all this passage and the pre- 
ceding one about the Sirihapur country and the objects 
of interest which it contained, one feels very much inclined 
to believe that the pilgrim did not visit the place on this 


occasion and that he obtained his information about it at 
TakshaSila and elsewhere. What he tells us about the 
"white robed non-Buddhists, pai-yi-wai-tao ( g :3k. ^I* ^) is 
very interesting, but it is vague and unsatisfactory. This 
sect was evidently, as has been pointed out by others, the 
Svetambaras, a development of primitive Jaihism. But 
who was the founder of it who attained spiritual enlighten- 
ment and began to preach his system in this region? The 
spot had a memorial of the event at the time of Tuan- 
chuang's visit, or as Julien translates — "Aujourd'hui, on 
y voit une inscription". But this seems to be more than 
is in the origmsil—chin-yu-f^ng-chi (-^ :^ ^.J- fg,), which 
perhaps means only "there is now a memorial of the event 
set up". Beside this memorial there had been erected a 
"Deva-Temple". Julien adds— "Les sectaires qui le frequen- 
tent", but the Chinese has only ch'i-t'u (^ ^) which means 
"his disciples", that is, the followers of the founder of the 
sect. The pilgrim is telling us now of the Svetambara 
and Digambara ascetics generally. Severe austerities were 
inculcated and practised by the Jains from their first 
appearance and wherever they lived. The constitution, 
doctrines, and outward observances of their religion with 
certain exceptions named had, according to our pilgrim, 
been appropriated from Buddhism. It is thus plain that 
Yuan-chuang had been taught that Jainism as a system 
was later in origin than Buddhism, and was mainly derived 
from the latter. His remarks on this subject appear very 
extraordinary when we remember that the Nirgrantha (or 
Jain) sect figures largely in the Buddhist canonical works. 
It was evidently a large and influential body in the time 
of Gautama Buddha, who was an avowed opponent of the 
system, and argued strongly against its teaching as to the 
efficacy of bodily austerities. As Yuan-chuang must have 
known, the Jains had their ritual code and their religious 
and philosophic creed and organisation at the time of the 
founder of Buddhism. 

It should be noticed that our pilgrim does not make 
mention of a Jain establishment at Sinhapur, or of any 


inhabitants whatever in the neighbourhood of the tope. 
There were at the place a Buddhist monastery without 
Brethren and a Deva-Temple, but no Jain temple or 
monastery is mentioned. Thus D' Stein's sculptures from 
Murti "decidedly in the Jaina style" and thus enabling 
him to find "Hiuen Tsiang's long-looked for Jaina temple" 
must wait for further developments. The Ketas district 
as described by D"^ Stein seems to present some agreement 
with our pilgrim's Sinhapura in its natural scenery, having 
a stream, a series of tanks, and dense vegetation. But 
this does not amount to much; and as it is apparently the 
only point in which there is any resemblance, it is not 
enough for a basis of identification. 

Our pilgrim proceeds to relate that from this (i. e. the Sinha- 
pura district) he went back to the north confines of the Taksha- 
sila country, crossed the Indus, and travelled south-east going 
over a great rocky Pass. Here long ago the Prince Mahasattva 
gave up his body to feed a hungry tigress. About 140 paces 
from this was a stone tope at the spot to which Mahasattva 
pitying the wUd beast's feeble state came ; here piercing himself 
with a dry bamboo he gave his blood to the tigress, and she 
after faking it ate the Prince ; the soil and th? vegetation of the 
spot had a red appearance as if blood-dyed. Travellers suffering 
from the wild thorns of the place, whether they are believers or 
sceptics, are moved to pity. 

This story of the compassionate Prince giving his body 
to save the lives of a starving tigress and her cubs is told 
with variations in several Buddhist books. The version 
which Yuan-chuang apparently had before him was that 
given in the "Hsien-yii-ching" which agrees in the main 
with Schiefner's translation from the Tibetan. • According 
to the story there was once many kalpas before the time 
of Grautama Buddha a king of a great country the name 
of which is not given. But the name of the king was 
Maharatna (or Maharatha), and he had three sons the 
youngest of whom was called Mahasattva. This prince 
grew up to be good and gentle, and very compassionate 

< Hsien-yu-ching, ck. 1; Der Weise u. d. T., S. 21; P'u-sa-pen- 
sheng-man-lun, ch. 1. Cf. Bud. Lit. Nep., p. 247. 


to all creatures. It happened that one day he and his 
brothers were strolling among the hills when they saw 
near the foot of a precipice a tigress with two cubs. The 
tigress was reduced to a skeleton, and was so utterly 
famished with hunger that she was about to eat her young 
ones. Prince Mahasattva, seeing this, left his brothers, and 
desirous of saving the animal's life, and the lives of her 
cubs, threw himself down the precipice, and then lay still 
for the tigress to eat him. But she was too weak and 
exhausted to take a bite out of his body. So he pricked 
himself with a sharp thorn and thus drew blood. By 
licking this blood the wild beast gained strength, and then 
she devoured the prince leaving only his bones. When 
his parents found these, they had them buried, and then 
raised a mound or tope at the grave. This Mahasattva 
was the Buddha in one of his numerous preparatory stages 
of existence as a Boddhisattva. 

Other versions of the story give the number of the 
tigress' cubs as seven, the number in the Life. This 
jataka, sometimes called the Vyaghri (or Tigress) Jataka, 
is not in the Pali collection, but the story is in Hardy's 
"Manual of Buddhism" where the P'usa is a brahmin 
named Brahma and lives near Daliddi, a village not far 
from the rock Munda (otherwise called Eraka).^ In one 
Tersion the P'usa is the prince Chandanamati son of king 
Gandhasri of Gandhamati (that is, Gandhara);^ in another 
he is a Prince in the Panchala country, and in another 
the scene of the self-sacrifice is not localised. The Chinese 
pilgrim of the Sung period found the precipice from which 
Mahasattva threw himself in a mountain to the west of 
Kashmir. ^ 

The word which Yuan-chuang uses in this passage for 
"tigress" is the unusual one wu-Pu (,l^ ^ or as in D ^). 
This word, also written -^ f ^ pronounced wu-t'u, is the 

1 M. B. p. 94. 

2 P'u-s8,-t'c-8hen-s8u-ngo-hu-ch'i-t'a-yin-yuan-chiiig (No. 436). 

3 Ma T. 1., ch. 338. 


old Central-China name for a tiger, and it is also a re- 
cognized term but of very rare occurrence.^ 

To the north of the Body-offering Tope was a stone Asoka 
tope above 200 feet high with very artistic ornamentation and 
shedding a miraculous light. Small topes and above 100 small 
shrines encircled the grave; pilgrims afflicted with ailments made 
circumambulation, and many were cured. To the east of this 
tope was a monastery with above 100 Brethren all Mahayanists. 

We have thus two topes at this place to commemorate 
the self-sacrifice of the P'usa to save the life of the tigress. 
Cunningham has identified one of these, apparently the 
stone one, with the great Manikyala Tope, and he quotes 
the Chinese pilgrims' testimony in support of this identi- 
fication.2 Now Fa-hsien places the scene of the "body- 
offering", and the site of the memorial tope, at a spot two 
days' journey east from his Taksha^ila, which was seven 
days' journey east from his Gandhara; Sung-yun, who does 
not mention any tope, places the scene eight days' journey 
south-east from the capital of TJdyana; and Yuan-chuang 
puts it above 200 li (about 40 miles) south-east from the 
north of the Taksha^ila country. For Sung-yun's Udyana 
Cunningham substitues Gandhara, for Yuan-chuang's "north 
of Taksha^ila" he substitutes "Taxila", and he makes the 
"Indus" of the Records to be a mistake for the "Suhan" 
River. Then he finds that /the three pilgrims have thus 
exactly described the situation of the great Manikyala 
Tope, which is about 34 miles south-east from Shah-dheri. 
The identification of this tope with either of those men- 
tioned here by Yuan-chuang seems to be attended with 
serious difficulties. The large stone tope was built by 
Asoka and the other one (according to tradition) was built 
either by a king of Gandhara contemporary with the 
Buddha or by Asoka, and the Manikyala tope cannot be 
referred to an earlier period than the first century of our 
era. The tope near the "grave" or spot in which Maha- 
sattva's bones were interred was known as the "Sattva- 

1 See Fang-yen ('Jj g"), ch, 8. 

2 A. G. I. p. 121. 


^arlra Tope" or more fully as the "Tope of the relics of 
the Bodhisattva having given up his body to the tigress." 
It was supposed, we are told, to hare been built by the 
king of Gandhara after he had heard the pathetic story 
from the Buddha. 

The Monastery mentioned in the above passage was 
visited by the Chinese pilgrim monk by name Fa-sheng 
(fi M)> a native of Kao-ch'ang, about the beginning of 
the B"" century A.D. He found it a large establishment 
frequented by about 5000 Brethren, and the great tope 
was then daily visited by crowds of pilgrims coming to be 
cured of infirmities. 

From this (i. e. the place of the interment of Mahasattva's 
bones) the pilgrim proceeded eastward above 50 li to an isolated 
hill. Here was a monastery with above 200 Brethren, all studepts 
of the MahSyana system, amid luxuriant vegetation and with 
pellucid streams and tanks. Beside the monastery was a tope 
above 300 feet high which marked the place where the Buddha 
once converted a wicked Yaksha, and made him give up the 
eating of animal food. 

Continuing his journey, our pilgrim travelled south-east over 
hills for above 500 li, and arrived at the Wv,-la-sMh country. 
This was a very hilly region above 2000 li in circuit, with little 
cultivated land; the capital was seven or eight K in circuit, but 
there was no ruler and the country was a dependency of Kashmir; 
the people were rough and deceitful, and they were not Buddhists. 
About four li to the south-east of the capital was an Asoka tope 
above 200 feet high, and at its side was a monastery which con- 
tained a few Brethren all Mahayanists. 

The Wu-lorshih of this passage, in the D text of the 
Life Wu-la-cha, perhaps represents an original like Uras 
or Uraksh. The word for "over hills" {shan ilj) is in most 
of the texts, but not in all. Cunningham identifies this 
country with the " Varsa Begio of Ptolemy, and with the 
modern district of Basil, in Dhantawar, to the west of 
Muzafarabad". That is, Yuan-chuang places the district of 
Uras about 125 south-east from the Takshasila country; 
and Cunningham, without any warning or explanation, 
places it above 100 miles to the north-east of that country. * 

1 A. G. I. p. 103. 


M. St. Martin, who had made the same identification, 
suggests that there is a mistake in our author's text which 
should have north-east instead of south-east.^ But this 
latter is the reading of all the texts, and of the Life, and 
the Fang-chih. In another passage of the Life, however, 
we find Kashmir placed 50 yojanas distant from Taksha- 
&la in a north-east direction. 2 There are apparently 
mistakes in the pilgrim's account of some of the places 
in this part of his narrative with respect to their relative 
positions; and, on the other hand, the identifications pro- 
posed are not to be accepted as absolutely correct. A 
later investigator, who also silently ignores the pilgrim's 
statement of direction, thinks that "the country of Urasa 
corresponded pretty nearly to that of the modern Hazara, 
if we include in that term the whole tract up to the Indus, 
now held by the Tamaolis, the Hassarzais, the Akazais 
and others". This writer regards Haripur as corresponding 
to Tuan-chuang's capital of Uras, the actual city being 
now represented by Pir-mamaka, a Mahometan shrine 
close under the citadel of Haripur. The identification 
here proposed, it vyill be seen, practically agrees with that 
proposed by previous investigators. ^ 

From Uras, the pilgrim goes on to narrate, he continued his 
journey south-east above 1000 H over mountains and along 
dangerous paths and across iron bridges to the country of Kashmir. 

Our pilgrim transcribes this name Ka-sse-mi-lo ('M'^M 
|§), and the transcription in the T'ang-Shu and other 
works is Ko-shih-mi (^ ^ ^). 

» Julien Vol. iii, p. 321. 

' Gh. 5 and Julien Vol. i, p. 262. 

' Kev* 0. Swymerton in Ind. Ant. Vol. xx, p. 336. 






Foe an account of the pilgrim's entry into Kashmir, 
and his arrival at the capital of that country, we are in- 
debted to the narrative in the Life.* This treatise tells 
us that Yuan-chuang entered Kashmir territory by the 
rocky Pass which formed the western approach to the 
country. At the outer end of the Pass he was received 
by the maternal uncle of the king, who had been sent 
with horses and conveyances to escort him to the capital. 
On the way thither the pilgrim passed several Buddhist 
monasteries in which he performed worship; and at one, 
the Hushkara (^ ^ jIg ^)-vihara, he spent a night. Dur- 
ing the night the Brethren of the monastery had dreams 
in which they were informed by a deity that their guest 
was a Brother from Maha-Ghina who, desirous of learning, 
was travelling in India on a pilgrimage to Buddhist sacred 
places; the Brethren were also exhorted by the deity to 
rouse themselves to religious exercises in order to earn 
by their proficiency the praise of their illustrious guest. 
This, was repeated on each of the few days occupied by 
the pilgrim and bis party in reaching the royal Dharma- 
sala which was about a yojana from the capital. At this 
building the king was waiting to receive the pilgrim and 
conduct him into the city. His Majesty was attended by 

« Oh. 2. 


his grandees, and by certain Buddhist monks from the 
capital, and he had a magnificent retinue of above 1000 men. 
He treated his Chinese visitor with marked ceremonious 
respect, and mounted him on one of his large elephants 
when setting out for the city. On his arrival here the 
pilgrim lodged for one night in the Jayendra (|^ ]^ @ 
Pl£ ]§)-monastery, but next day on the king's invitation he 
took up his quarters in the palace. Then His Majesty 
appointed some scores of Brethren with the illustrious 
Bhadanta Ch'eng (f-^), or ?Ya^a, at their head to wait 
on his Chinese guest. He also invited Yuan-chuang to 
read and expound the Scriptures, gave him twenty clerks 
to copy out Mss, and five men to act as attendants. The 
pilgrim remained here two years and devoted his time to 
the study of certain sutras and Sastras, and to paying 
reverence at sacred vestiges (that is, places held in reve- 
rence by Buddhists). 

Neither the Records nor the Life gives the name of the 
king of Kashmir who so hospitably entertained our pilgrim. 
It was, apparently, the same king who about this time, 
as we learn on I-ching's authority, received another Chinese 
pilgrim, by name Silan-hui (3>; ^), and entertained him 
as a guest in the palace for about a year, when some 
unpleasantness arose which caused Siian-hui to leave and 
continue his wanderings.* 

Coming back to the text of the Records we find a 
Chinese editorial note added to the word Kashmir telling 
us that Ki(-Ka)-p'in (^ ^) was an old and incorrect 
name for the country. But in many Chinese treatises 
Ka-pin is a geographical term of vague and varying 
extension, and not the designation of a particular country. 
It is applied in different works to Kapis, Nagar, Gandhara, 
Udyana, and Kashmir. The region first called Kapin was 
once occupied by the Sakas (g), a great nomad people 
who spread themselves over vast regions to the north-west 

' Hsi-yii-ch'iu, ch. 1; Chavannes Mem. p. 46. 


from what is now the district of Kashgar.i Afterwards 
applied less vaguely Kapin was the name of a country 
south of the Ts'ung-Ling and suhject to the Great Yue-ti 
(Getse), and it is said to have heen a synonym for the 
Tsao (■j'f) of the Sui period.' But hy several Chinese 
writers, and translators of Buddhist books into Chinese, 
both before and after our pilgrim's time, the word Kapin 
is used to designate the country which he and others call 
Kashmir. Thus for the "charming Ka^mir-city" of the 
Divyavadana the Chinese translation has simply Kapin. 
Then we read of the rishi Revata, who lived on a mountain 
in Kapin, being converted by the Buddha, and building a 
tope (or chaitya) for the Buddha's hair- and nail-relics. 
This Revata is "Raivataka, a bhikshu of Saila Vihara at 
KaSmir", and the "Saila vihara" was the Cliff {:Q ^)- 
Monastery not far from the old capital of Kashmir.' But 
by Chinese writers generally Kapin seems to have been 
always loosely applied; and even down to the T'ang period 
the word was used by them to designate a region which 
did not correspond to that afterwards known to them as 
Kashmir. Thus in the Ssi-yii-chih, a Buddhistical treatise 
of the Sui period, Kapin is evidently the Kapis of other 
works, the country of Buddha's skull-bone and of the 
Chinese Monastery. Even the T'ang-Shu treats Kashmir 
and Kapin as names of two countries, and gives descriptive 
particulars about each. In other works of the T'ang 
period we find Kapin apparently used to denote the Nagar 
and Kapis of earlier writings. 

The word Kashmir is transcribed in Chinese in several 
ways giving slight differences as Ka^mir and Kashmir, 
and it is explained as meaning "Who goes in?". It is 
said to have arisen at the time when Madhyantika induced 
the dragon to turn the lake into dry land in the manner 
to be presently described. When the people saw the arhat 

' Han-Shu, ch. 96, P. I. 

2 Divyav. p. 399; Tsa-a-han-ching, ch. 23; Ta-ohih-tu-lun, ch. 9; 
Abhi-ta-vib. ch. 125; Bud. Lit. Nep. p. 76. 


sitting where water had been a moment before, they were 
afraid to venture to him, and kept exclaiming to each 
other — Wlio goes in? ' This etymology, which reminds 
one of Dean Swift, is curious but not satisfactory. Burnouf 
suggested that KaSmir might be for Ka^yapa-mir, and 
one variety of the Chinese transcriptions is Ka-ye (that 
is Ka-sa often used for Kasyapa)-»!i-io (Jfe ^ 3| ^) or 
Ka^yapa-mir, but these characters may simply be for 

The pilgrim gives a short general description of Kashmir in 
his usual manner. It was, he states, above 7000 li (1400 miles) 
in circuit, surrounded by high steep mountains over which were 
narrow difficult Passes, and the country had always been im- 
pregnable. The capital, which had a large river on its west 
side, was 12 or 13 li from north to south and four or five li 
from east to west. The district was a good agricultural one 
and produced abundant fruits and flowers; it yielded also horses 
of the dragon stock, saffron, lenses, and medicinal plants. The 
climate was very cold in season with much snow and little wind. 
The people wore serge and cotton (pai-tieh); they were volatile 
and timid, being protected by a dragon they crowed over their 
neighbours; they were good-looking but deceitful; they were 
fond of learning and had a faith which embraced orthodoxy and 
heterodoxy (that is. Buddhism and other religions). The Buddhist 
Monasteries were above 100 in number, and there were above 
5000 Buddhist Brethren ; and there were four Asoka topes each 
containing above a pint (shlng) of the bodily relics of the Buddha. 

The circuit which our pilgrim here assigns to the country 
of Kashmir is about 3000 li above that given to it by 
Ma Tuan-lin and other authorities, and it is evidently 
much too great. The rocky Pass (lit. "stone gate"), by 
which the pilgrim entered the country, was evidently the 
western Pass which terminates near the town of Bara- 
miila (Varahamiila). This is Alberuni's "ravine whence 
the river Jailam comes; at the other end of this ravine 
is the watch station Dvaz, on both sides of the river 
Jailam. Thence, leaving the ravine, you enter the plain, 
and reach in two more days Addisthan, the capital of 

' Yi-oh'ie-ching-yin-yi, Supplement ch. 1. 


Kashmir, passing on the road the village of Ushkara, 
■which lies on both sides of the valley, in the same manner 
as Baramula".! In the text of the Life the Prince is 
represented as meeting the pilgrim at the outer end of 
the Pass, but as he had horses and carriages with him, 
we must understand him as waiting for the pilgrim at the 
Dvar at the inner end of the Pass. In the T'ang-Shu 
the name of the capital of Kashmir is given as Po-lo-wu- 
lo-pu-lo (g| 0^ :^ jffi ^ H) that is Baramula- (or Varaha- 
mula)-pura. Other authorities give PH-lo-t'a (j]| jg B{^) 
that is Bhirath, or Shan-chien (^ g) meaning "of good 
solidity", as names for the capital in previous periods. 2 
Our pilgrim represents the capital as having a large river 
on its west side, and the T'ang-Shu tells us that this was 
the Mi-na-si-to (^ i|5 ^ ^) oi'i perhaps, Menasita. 

Among the products of Kashmir specified by the pilgrim 
in this passage is an article the name of which here as 
in other passages is given by me as "saffron". The ori- 
ginal for this is Yuh-chin-hsiang (^ ^ ^) which Julien 
and others always render by Curcuma or turmeric. But 
this undoubtedly is not the meaning of the term here and 
in other passages of the Records and Life. The word 
hsiang means "incense" or "perfume", and Tuh-chin, 
pronounced like Guh-kum, evidently represents a foreign 
word. In Sanskrit one name for saffron is KunJcwna, and 
Yuh-chin in its old pronunciation is to be regarded as a 
ti'anscription of this word, or of a provincial variation of 
it like the Tibetan OurTium. That Yuh-chin-hsiang is 
"saffron" is seen also by comparing the Tibetan and 
Chinese translations of a Sanskrit passage which tells of 
^ladhyantika's proceedings in Kashmir. The valuable 
plant, which this arhat carries off from the Gandhamadana 
Mountain, and introduces into Kashmir, is called saffron 

' Alberuni Vol. i, p. 207. So Baron Hiigel leaving this "Indian 
Paradise" "passed through a rock which together with the river 
forms a strong barrier". Travels in Kashmir and the Panjab p. 172 
(tr. Jervis). 

= Abhi-ta-vib., ch. 126. 


in the Tibetan rendering, and Tuh-chin in the Chinese 
version.! The saffron plant, Crocus sativus, has been 
greatly cultivated in this country from a very early period. 
Its flowers were long ago used to adorn the necks pf 
oxen at the autumn festival in the country, and they were 
boiled in aromatic spirits to make a perfume. 2. This, or 
some preparation of the flowers, was largely used in 
northern countries in the service of worship offered before 
images in Buddhist temples. The flowers of the saffron 
plant are still largely used in decoctions, both as a con- 
diment and as a pigment, by many of the inhabitants of 
Kashmir.* 'But the fei(^^)-yuh-chin or purple saffron was 
forbidden as a dye-material to the Buddhist Brethren. 
It seems very likely that the term Yuh-chin-hsiang is 
sometimes used in a loose manner and applied to turmeric, 
just as the name "Saffron", we learn, is often given to 
turmeric and saffflower.* 

The word for "lenses" in Yuan-chuang's description in 
the passage under consideration is huo-chu O/c J^), lit. 
"fire pearls", and this is rendered by Julien "lentilles de 
verre". The pilgrim was here apparently translating the 
Sanskrit word dahanopala which means fire-stone, burning 
gem, and is a name for crystal lenses. These "fire pearls" 
are described as being like crystal eggs, and one of the 
tortures of the Hungry Ghosts is that for them the drops 
of rain turn into "fire pearls". 

The reader will observe that our pilgrim, in his enume- 
ration of some of the chief products of Kashmir, has not 
a word about its grapes and wine. Yet the country was 
celebrated for its grapes, and it was long the only place 

* Sar. Vin. Tsa-shih, ch. 40; Tar, S. 12; A-yii-wang-chuan, ch. 4. 
See D' Breteohneider in Ch. Notes and Queries, Vol. iii, p. 55 and 
iv, p. 97. 

2 Abhi-ta-vib, ch. 12; Fa-yuan-chu-lin, ch. 36. 

3 On the saffron of Kashmir see Lawrence's "Valley of Kashmir" 
p. 342. 

* Glossary of Ang-Ind. Terms s. v. Saffron. 


in all the parts about India in which wine was made from 
the juice of the grape. 

With reference to the state of Buddhism it is remarkable 
that our pilgrim gives the number of Buddhist establish- 
ments in this country as only 100, while "Wu-k'ung, who 
lived in it for some time above a century later, gives the 
number at his time as 300.' 

Kashmir is one of the most important and most famous 
lands in the history of the spread and development of 
Buddhism. In the literature of this religion we find 
frequent reference to the capital, and the country generally, 
in terms of praise and admiration. The pious, learned, 
and eloquent Brethren of the region seem to have had a 
great reputation even at the time of king Asoka, who is 
represented as calling on the disciples of Buddha dwelling 
in the "charming city of Ka^mir" to come to his Council. * 
When the Buddha and the Yaksha Vajrapani— not Ananda 
as Yuan-chuang relates — were returning through the air 
from the conquest and conversion of the Dragon of Udyana, 
as they were over the green vales of Kashmir Buddha 
drew Vajrapani's attention to them.3 Into these, the 
Buddha predicted, after my pari-nirvana an arhat named 
Madhyantika will introduce my religion, and the country 
will become distinguished as a home of the Brethren 
devoted to absorbed meditation (Samadhi) and prolonged 
contemplation (Vipassana). In another book the Buddha 
is represented as having prophesied that Kashmir would 
become rich and prosperous as Uttaravat, that Buddhism 
would flourish in it, the number of the disciples being 
beyond counting, and that it would become like the Tushita 
Paradise. 4 The country, he said, would be like Indra's 
Pleasure-garden, or the Anavatapta Lake district, and it 
would be a real "great Buddhist Congregation." 

The pilgrim proceeds with his narrative and relates the story 

1 Shih-li-ohing; J. A. 1895, p. 341 ff. 

2 Tsa-a-han-ohing, ch. 23; Divyav. p. 399. 

3 Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, ch. 9. 

'■ Lien-hua-mien-ching, ch. 2 (Bun. No. 465). 


of Madhyantika's coming. According to the native records, he 
states, Kashmir was originally a dragon-lake. When the Buddha, 
having subdued the wicked dragon of Udyana, had arrived above 
Kashmir on his way through the air to Central India he said 
to Ananda — "After my decease Madhyantika, an arhat, will in 
this place establish a country, settle people, and propagate 
Buddhism". In the SO*'' year after Buddha's decease, the pilgrim 
continues, Ananda's disciple the arhat Madhyantika, perfect in 
spiritual attainments, having heard of Buddha's prediction was 
delighted. He accordingly came hither and took his seat in a 
wood at a great mountain. Here he made miraculous exhibitions 
and the dragon seeing these asked the arhat what he wanted. 
"I want you to grant me room for my knees in the lake", was 
the reply, i, e. I want to have as much dry land in the Jake as 
will enable me to sit cross-legged. The dragon thereupon pro- 
ceeded to grant the arhat's request by withdrawing water from 
the lake, but Madhyantika by the exercise of his supernatural 
powers enlarged his body until the dragon had drawn off all the 
water of the lake. Then the dragon was accommodated in a 
lake to the north-west of the old one, and his relations and 
dependents went to live in a small one. The dragon now begged 
Madhyantika to remain permanently and receive due service, 
but the arhat replied that this was impossible as the time was 
near for his pari-nirvana. At the dragon's request, however, 
Madhyantika. consented that his 500 arhats should remain in 
Kashmir as long as Buddhism lasted in the country, the land to 
become again a lake when Buddhism ceased to exist. Madhyan- 
tika now by his miraculous powers built 500 monasteries, and 
afterwards he bought foreign slaves to serve the Brethren. 
Some time after his decease these inferiors became rulers of the 
country ; but neighbouring states despising them as a low-born 
breed would not have intercourse with them, and called them 
Krita or "the Bought". 

This account of Madhyantika does not quite agree with 
any of the older accounts in Buddhist books. These, 
however, present some interesting and important points of 
difference among themselves. Yuan-chuang's narrative 
follows the version which is to be found with slight 
variations of detail in the "A-yti-wang-chuan" version of 
the Asokavadana, the Sarvata Vinaya, and in the Tibetan 
texts translated by Schiefner and RockhilL' In these 

' A-yii-wang-chuan, ch. 4; Sar. Vin. Tsa-shih, ch, 40; Tar. 1. c.j 
Rockhill Life p. 166ff. 


MadhySntika is a disciple of Aoanda, converted and 
ordained in the last moments of Ananda's life; lie is a 
master of 500 disciples, and com«s with these from the 
Himavat to the place where Ananda is about to pass 
away; on a magic isle in the Ganges Ananda ordains the 
mastei; and his disciples and all immediately attain arhat- 
ship; they want to pass away before Ananda, but he gives 
the master Buddha's commission for him to go and teach 
Buddhism in Kashmir, and the commission is accepted. 
The name given to the master, and also apparently to 
his disciples, is explained as meaning Mid-water (iji y]jc), 
as if Madhyan-taka (for udaka), because they were ordained 
and perfected -on an island in the Ganges; it is also 
explained by Mid-day (iji g ) as if Madhyan-dina, because 
the ordination took place at mid-day. But according to 
the "Shan-chien-lii-vibhasha", Buddhaghosha, the "Dipa- 
vamsa", and the "Mahavansa", Maddhyantika, called 
Majjhantiko the thera, lived in the time of Moggala-putta 
Tissa, and was sent by that head of the church from 
Pataliputra to Kashmir and Gandhara.i Then there is 
a Kashmir Abhidharma treatise in which we have a 
dragon called "Fearless" in the country. This dragon 
plagues the 500 arhats in their monasteries; the arhats 
hare no magic powerful enough to drive the dragon away; 
a foreign Brother comes who has no skill in magic and 
no supernatural powers whatever ; by the power of a pure 
strict life (Ma) he, using only a polite request, rids the 
country of the dragon. 2 In the Pali versions of Madhyan- 
tika's story the name of the dragon is Aravala, the A-lo- 
p^O'lu of the Chinese translation; in the Sarvata Vinaya 
it is Su-lung, the Hulunta of Rockhill. This dragon 
was. a wicked spiteful creature sending floods to ruin 
crops, according to the Pali accounts, and he is perhaps 
the original of the Udyana dragon. 

> Shan-chien-lu-vib, ch. 2; Vinaya, Vol. iii, p. 315; Dip. VIII. 
1. 4; Mah. ch. XII. 
» Abhi-ta-vib, ch. 44. 


Our pilgrim next gives a brief account of the settlement of 
500 arhats from India in Kashmir, an event which he assigns 
to the hundredth year after Buddha's decease in the reign of 
Asoka king of Magadha. This great and powerful sovereign 
was a firm believer in Buddhism, we are told, and charitable to 
all creatures. There were [at his capital] 500 arhats and 500 
ordinary Buddhist monks, all of whom were treated by the king 
with equal reverence and attention. Among the ordinary Brethren 
was one Mahsdeva, a man of gr^at learning and wisdom, a 
subtle investigator of name and reality who put his extraordinary 
thoughts into a treatise which taught heresy. All this man's 
acquaintances followed his heretical reasonings. The king follow- 
ing his personal inclinations and taking the part of those whom 
he liked, unable to distinguish the arhat from the common monk, 
summoned all to the Ganges with the intention of causing them 
all to be drowned. But the arhats, finding their lives in danger, 
used their supernatural powers, and flew through the air to 
Kashmir, where they settled on the hills and in the vales. When 
the king learned this he became distressed, went to Kashmir to 
apologize to the arhats, and to beg them to return. They, 
however, stedfastly refused to go back, so the king built 500 
monasteries for them, and ga%'e up all Kashmir for the benefit 
of the Buddhist church. 

This is Yuan-chuang's short and condensed abstract, 
which cannot be properly understood without some know- 
ledge of Mahadeva's career as this is related in the 
"Abhidharma-maha-vibhasha-lun"i and other treatises. 
According to the Abhidharma work, Mahadeva was the 
son of a brahmin merchant of Mathura. While still a 
very young man he took advantage of his father's pro- 
longed absence from home on business and formed an 
incestuous connexion with his mother. "When his father 
returned Mahadeva murdered him, and soon afterwards 
he fled with his mother. Finding that a Buddhist arhat 
had an inconvenient knowledge of his guilty life he 
promptly killed the arhat. Then finding that his mother 
was not true to him he murdered her also. By thus 
taking the lives of his parents and an arhat he had com- 
mitted three unpardonable offences; in the technical 

1 Ch. 99. 


language of Buddhism he had "made three immediate 
karmas" (jg H, ^ F^ M)' tlii'ee anantarya karmas. Stung 
by conscience, and haunted by fear, he now skulked from 
place to place until he reached Pataliputra. Here he 
resolved to enter religion, and he easily persuaded a monk 
of the Kukutarama vihara to have him ordained. He 
now devoted all his energies and abilities to his new 
profession and, having zeal and capacity, he soon rose to 
be the head of the establishment, and the leader of a 
large party in the church at Pataliputra. His intellectual 
abilities were much above those of the ordinary brethren, 
but his orthodoxy was doubtful, and his moral character 
was not above suspicion. Mahadeva claimed to have 
attained arhatship, and he explained away circumstances 
which seemed to be destructive of his claim. In answer 
to queries from younger brethren he enunciated five dogmas, 
or tenets, which led to much discussion, and at length to 
open dissension. These tenets were, (1) An arhat may 
commit a sin under unconscious temptation, (2) One may 
be an arhat and not know it, (3) An arhat may have 
doubts on matters of doctrine, (4) One cannot attain 
arhatship without the aid of a teacher, (5) The "noble 
ways" may begin by a shout, that is, one meditating 
seriously on religion may make such an exclamation as 
"How sad !" and by so doing attain progress towards per- 
fection. These five propositions Mahadeva declared to be 
Buddha's teaching, but the senior Brethren declared them 
to be Mahadeva's invention and opposed to the orthodox 
teaching. There were at the time four "sets" or "parties" 
of Buddhists at Pataliputra, and these had bitter contro- 
versies about the five propositions. When dispute ran 
high the king, on Mahadeva's suggestion, called an assembly 
of all the monks to have an open discussion and vote on 
the subject, the king being a friend and patron of Maha- 
deva. When the assembly was summoned it was attended 
by a number of senior Brethren, who were arhats, and by 
an immense number of ordinary ordained members of the 
church. The superior Brethren argued and voted against 


the five propositions, but they were far outnumbered by 
the inferior members who were all friends of Mahadeva. 
When the discussion and voting were over the wrangling 
still continued, and the king ordered all the brethren to 
be embarked in rotten boats and sent adrift on the Ganges ; 
by this means he thought it would be shewn who were 
arhats and who were not. But at the critical moment 
500 arhats rose in the air, and floated away to Kashmir. 
Here they dispersed, and settled in lonely places among 
the vales and mountains. When the king heard what had 
occurred he repented, and sent messengers to coax the 
arhats to return to his capital, but they all refused to 
leave. Hereupon he caused 500 monasteries to be built 
for them, and gave the country to the Buddhist church. 
These 500 arhats introduced and propagated the Sthavira 
school in Kashmir, and the majority of inferior brethren 
at Pataliputra began the Mahasanghika school. 

It will be noticed that in this account we have neither 
the name of the king nor the date of the schism. But 
in the "I-pu-tsung-lun" and the "Shi-pa-pu-lun" the king 
is Asoka, and the time above 100 years after Buddha's 
decease. Additional information on the subject will be 
found in Wassiljew's "Buddhismus" and in Schiefner's 
"Taranatha".' In the "Shan-chien-lii-vibhasha" and in the 
passages of the Pali works referred to in connection with 
Madhyantika we find mention of a Mahadeva at Patali- 
putra. 2 But this man lived apparently a good and pious 
life, and he was sent by Tissa as a missionary to the 
Andhra country. He preached (or composed) the "Deva- 
duta-sutra" that is the Deva-messenger sutra, in Chinese 
T'ien-shi-ching (5^ ^ ^), and he seems to have been 
successful in propagating Buddhism. This may be the 
Mahadeva of the northern treatises, the popular and in- 
fluential abbott of Pataliputra. But the latter dies, and 

1 Was. Bud. S. 62; Tar. S. 51 and 293; Rhys Davids in J.R.A.S. 
1892, p. 9. 

2 Shan-chien-lu-vib. ch. 2; Vinaya Vol. iii, p. 316. 

270 kanishka's council. 

is cremated with peculiar circumstances at the capital, 
and there is no mention of his mission to Andhra. On 
the other hand it seems possible that the Brethren, sent 
away in different directions as apostles, were men who 
had taken prominent parts in the controversies which had 
arisen among the Buddhists of Pataliputra. All accounts 
seem to agree in representing their Mahadeva as a man 
of unusual abilities and learning; and the story of his 
great crimes as a layman, and his unscrupulous ambition 
as an abbott, related in the Abhidharma treatises are 
probably the malinous inventions of enemies. 

Our pilgrim next proceeds to relate the circumstances con- 
nected -with the great Council summoned by Kanishka. This 
king of Gandhara, Yuan-chuang tells us, in the four hundredth 
year after the decease of Buddha, was a great and powerful 
sovereign whose sway extended to many peoples. In his leisure 
hours he studied the Buddhist scriptures, having a monk every 
day in the palace to give him instruction. But as the Brethren 
taught him different and contradictory interpretations, owing to 
conflicting tenets of sectarians, the king fell into a state of 
helpless uncertainty. Then the Venerable Parsva explained to 
His Majesty that in the long lapse of time since Buddha left 
the world disciples of schools and masters with various theories 
had arisen, all holding personal views and all in conflict. On 
hearing this the king was greatly moved, and expressed to Parsva 
his desire to restore Buddhism to eminence, and to have the 
Tripitaka explained according to the tenets of the various 
schools. Parsva gave his cordial approval of the suggestion, 
and the king thereupon issued summonses to the holy and wise 
Brethren in all his realm. These came in crowds from all 
quarters to Gandhara, where they were entertained for seven 
days. They were far too numerous, however, to make a good 
working Council, so the king had recourse to a process of 
selection. First all had to go away who had not entered the 
saintly career— had not attained one to the four degrees of per- 
fection. Then of those who remained all who were arhats were 
selected and the rest dismissed; of the arhats again those who 
had the "three-fold intelligence" and the "six-fold penetration" 
were retained; and these were further thinned out by dismissing 
all of them who were not thoroughly versed in the Tripitaka 
and well learned in the "Five Sciences". By this process the 
number of arhats for the Council was reduced to 499. 
Yuan-chuang goes on to tell that the king proposed Gandhara 

kanishka's council. 271 

as the place of meeting for the Council, but that this place was 
objected to on account of its heat and dampness. Then Esja- 
gaha was proposed, but Parsva and others objected that there 
were too many adherents of other sects there, and at last it 
was decided to hold the Council in Kashmir. So the king and 
the arhats came to his country, and here the king built a 
monastery for the Brethren. 

When the texts of the Tripitaka were collected for t"he making 
of expository Commentaries on them, the Venerable Yasumitra 
was outside the door in monk's costume. The other Brethren 
would not admit him because he was still in the bonds of the 
world, not an arhat. In reply to his claim to deliberate, the 
others told him to go away and come to join them when he 
had attained arhatship. Yasumitra said he did not value this 
attainment a spittle — he was aiming at Buddhahood and he 
would not have any petty condition ("go in a small path") ; still 
he could become an arhat before a silk ball which he threw in 
the air fell to the ground. When he threw the ball the Devas 
said to him so as to be heard by all — Will you who are to 
become Buddha and take the place of Maitreya, honoured in the 
three worlds and the stay of all creatures — will you here realize 
this petty fruit? The Devas kept the baU, and the arhats made 
apologies to Yasumitra and invited him to become their President, 
accepting his decisions on all disputed points. 

This Council, Yuan-chuang continues, composed 100 000 stanzas 
of Upadesa sastras explanatory of the canonical sutras, 100000 
stanzas of Yinaya-vibhasha-sastras explanatory of the Vinaya, 
and 100 000 stanzas of Abhidharma-vibhasha sastras explanatory 
of the Abhidharma. For this exposition of the Tripitaka all 
learning from remote antiquity was thoroughly examined; the 
general sense and the terse language [of the Buddhist scriptures] 
were again made clear and distinct, and the learning was widely 
diffused for the safe-guiding of disciples. King Kanishka had 
the treatises, when finished, written out on copper plates, and 
enclosed these in stone boxes, which he deposited in a tope 
made for the purpose. He then ordered the Yakshas to keep 
and guard the texts, and not allow any to be taken out of the 
country by heretics; those who wished to study them could do 
so in the country. When leaving to return to his own country 
Kanishka renewed Asoka's gift of all Kashmir to the Buddhist 

This account of king Kanishka's Council and its work 
is very interesting, but it requires to be supplemented by 
some notes and explanations. There are also some 


statements of the author which, in the abstract here given, 
are different from the versions given in Julien's full trans- 
lation. Thus Yuan-chuang represents the king as sum- 
moning the arhats to make vibhdshd-lun, that is, discussions 
on, or expositions of, the Canonical works. Julien, however, 
makes the author state that the king "voulut composer 
(un traite intitule) Yibhasha Qastra". Here the words 
which I have put in brackets are an addition by the 
translator and do injury to the text. Again, when all 
was ready for the Council to proceed to work, the Vener- 
able Yasumitra, Yuan-chuang tells us, hu-ivai-na-yi (^ 
^[» ^^ ^) which Julien translates "se tenait en dehors de 
de la porte et raccommodait son Tetement". But the 
words mean simply "was outside in monk's costume". The 
term na (sometimes written ^)-yi is of very frequent use 
in this sense of "bhikshu's clothing". Thus the monk's 
complete dress is called "the five na-yi of the cemeteries", 
and we read of a Brother na-yi-yen-tso, "sitting meditating 
in monk's dress; it was one of the rules of Devadatta's 
fraternity that the members should for life "don na-yi"- 
The expression in our text is used to indicate that Yasu- 
mitra was an ordinary bhikshu, not an arhat.^ 

The story which follows about the attempt to exclude 
Yasumitra from the deliberations of the Council, because 
he was only an ordinary .bhikshu, is a feeble imitation of 
the story about Ananda at the First Council. In our 
text Yuan-chuang, going according to Mahayanist tradi- 
tions, identifies the Yasumitra of Kanishka's time with 
Buddha's disciple of the same name. The latter, as the 
Buddha is represented telling his audience, had in a far 
past existence been a monkey; as such he acquired a 
knowledge of and faith in Buddhism, and he received the 
prediction that in a future birth he would become Buddha; 
in the time of Gautama Buddha he had been born as a 
human creature and in due course of time had become a 

* Vasumitra-so-chi-lun, ch. 2 (No. 1289); Kao-seng-chuan, ch. 3; 
Shih-sung-lii, ch. 36. 


disciple and risen to great eminence. But something 
remained over from his simious life which led him to play 
and gambol occasionally, and so give cause of offence. 
Buddha, however, explained the circumstances, and stated 
that Vasumitra was so take the place of Maitreya, and 
finally succeed the latter as Buddha with the name Shih- 
tzii-yue (or merely Shih-tzu)-Ju-lai, that is, Lion-moon (or 
Lion) Tathagata.* Thus the Vasumitra of Yuang-chuang's 
story having the rank of a Bodhisattva (being a "P'usa- 
bhikshu as he is called) was above the degree of arhat 
according to Mahayanist teaching, and hence his refusal 
in the story to acquire the "petty fruit". It was probably 
a survival of simious propensities which made him play 
with the ball of silk in the very solemn circumstances 
here related. The story here told about Vasumitra is 
very like one given in an old Mahayana ^astra about this 
p'usa. But in the latter treatise it is a stone which he 
throws in the air; the stone is caught and held by devas 
who tell Vasumitra that he is to seek bodhi, that they 
are to obtain emancipation through him, and that after 
twenty kalpas he will become Buddha.2 

Vasumitra, here as in other places translated Shih-yu 
(iS S)> is a name common to several illustrious Buddhists 
in the early periods of the church. The personal disciple 
of the Buddha already mentioned who is destined to be- 
come Buddha may perhaps be the sthavira with this name 
who is placed by one authority next in succession to 
Upagupta.3 Then we have the Sastra-Master Vasumitra, 
mentioned in the Kecords, who composed the "Abhidharma 
prakarapa-pada-^astra" already noticed, and the "Abhi- 
dharma-dhatukayapada-^astra".* It was probably also this 
author who composed the ^^ Wu-shih-lun" to which Dhar- 
matrata supplied a short expository commentary. This is 

I Fo-shuo-shih-tzu-yue-Fo-pen-sheng-ching (No. 414) : Teun-Vasu- 
mitra-P'usa-so-chi-lun, Preface (No. 1289). 
' Wei-jih-tsa-nan-ching (So. 1328). 
3 Dharmatara-shan-ching, ch. 1 (No. 1341). 
* Abhi-chie-shen-tsu-lun (No. 1282). 



apparently not the Bodhisattva Vasumitra to whom is 
ascribed the authorship of the "Arya Vasumitra-Bodhi- 
sattva-sangiti-^astra".^ The "Abhidharma-mahavibhasha- 
^astra" is also said to have been the work of the 500 
arhats of Kanishka's Council with Vasumitra at their 
head. But there is nothing either in this treatise or the 
Sangiti-Sastra to show that these works were written at 
the time of Kanishka, nor is there anything in either to 
show that it was wholly or in part the work of Vasumitra. 
It is only in one text out of four that the Sangiti-^astra 
appears with Arya Vasumitra on the title-page as author. 
These two treatises contain references to Vasumitra and 
quotations from him, and the "Vibhasha" work mentions 
him as one of the "Four Great Lun-shi of the Sarvasti- 
vadin School". He was noted among the learned and 
ingenious Doctors of this School for his theory about the 
threefold division of time and states of existence. He 
held that the Past, Present, and Puture are all realities 
and that they differ as to their wei ({a.) "locations", or 
"Conditions" as M' Rockhill renders the corresponding 
Tibetan term. Then there is also the Vasumitra who 
composed the important treatises "Chih-pu-yi-lun" and 
"Yi-pu-tsimg-lim".2 Moreover there is the Vasumitra who 
furnished a commentary to Vasubandhu's celebrated "Abhi- 
dharma-ko^a-^astra", but of him little or nothing seems 
to be known.* The Vasumitra who is given as the seventh 
Patriarch in the succession from KaSyapa, and who is 
supposed to have lived in the G"* century B. C, need not 
be further mentioned.* 

The unfriendly feeling exhibited by the 499 arhats of 
Kanishka's Council in our pilgrim's narrative towards 
Vasumitra reminds us, as has been stated, of Ananda 
and the Pirst Council. But the old Mahayana Sastra to 

1 See Tsun-Vasumitra-P'usa-BO-chi-lun. Of. Tar. S. 67 ff. 

2 Chih-pu-yi-lun (No. 1285); Yi-pu-tsung-lun (No. 1286). 

3 Bur. Int. p. 566 fi'. 
* Chih-yue-lu, ch. 3. 


which reference has been made tells us of an envious 
opposition to Vasumitra on the part of certain junior 
Brethren, and the hostility is not represented as con- 
nected with the Council. In both accounts, however, the 
genius and learning of Vasumitra are indispensable, and 
he overcomes the enmity, and gains the admiration of 
the Brethren. 

The pilgrim tells us that when Vasumitra was admitted 
the Council being duly constituted proceeded to its work 
which was, not to revise or rearrange the canonical 
treatises; but to furnish these with commentaries and 
discussions. Taking the sutras first the arhats composed 
100 000 stanzas of upade^a or explanatory comments on 
these. Julien makes the author say they composed "le 
traite Oupadega Qastra", and here again the addition of 
"le traite" spoils the meaning. Although there are upa- 
de^as to several individual sutras, or to a class of sutras, 
there does not seem to have ever been a general upade^a- 
^astra for all the stitra-pitaka. 

This word upadesa seems to have puzzled some of the 
early translators from Sanskrit into Chinese, and some 
of them apparently did not understand its meaning and 
derivation. One curious explanation of it is that it is 
"oral instruction to leave lust and cultivate goodness".* 
As the designation of a class of canonical treatises it is 
translated by Lun-i ($^ |g) or Discussion. The term was 
technically used to denote a treatise made by a bhikshu, 
and explanatory of the teachings of a canonical sutra, 
and the work itself might become a recognized sutra. It 
was then called a Sutra-upade^a to distinguish it from the 
primitive Upade^a-sutras, and it was also called a Maho- 
pade^a, or Great UpadeSa. An essential requisite of such 
a work was that its teachings should be perfectly in ac- 
cordance with those of the accepted canon. An upadesa 
presented for approval, and rejected on account of its 

1 Sui-hsiang-lun, ch. 1 (No. 1280). 


heterodoxj is called a KaropadeSa.^ The Council composed 
also 100 000 stanzas explaining the Vinaya — "Vinaya- 
vibhasha-lun". Tiiere is an extant treatise entitled "Sar- 
vata (or Sarvastivadin)-vinaya-vibhasha" which may have 
been regarded as the work of the Council. Unfortunately 
there is only a Chinese version of this work which is in 
nine chuan, of unknown date, and imperfect. The original, 
however, was evidently composed at a time long after the 
Buddha, in a country outside of India, and for the use 
of foreigners. There is nothing in the work, however, to 
shew that it was the work of Kanishka's Council. 2 

According to our pilgrim this Council further made 
100 000 stanzas of exposition or discussion of the Abhi- 
dharma — Abhidharma-vibhasha-lun. There are several 
vibhasha treatises in this section of the canon, and it 
would seem that there are others which have disappeared. 
In the existing collections of Buddhist books in China 
we find a treatise known by its short name "Yibhasha- 
lun", its full title being "Vibhasha-shuo. Abhidharma- 
shtakhanda".3 This book is sometimes wrongly ascribed 
to Katyayaniputra who apparently composed the original 
text to which this work serves as a commentary. The 
author of the "Vibhasha-lun" is given as Shi-t'e-p'an-ni, 
the native pronunciation being perhaps something Siddha- 
vanni. This man apparently lived in Kashmir and, accord- 
ing to his own statement, about 1000 years after Buddha's 
death. Another vibhasha treatise is the short one entitled 
"Wu-shi (^ :^)-vibhasha-lun", composed by the great 
Dharmatara.* This is an exposition of Vasumitra's "Wu- 
shi-lim", a treatise which does not appear among the 
canonical books. Then we have the long and important 
work called "Abhidharma (or Abhidharmata)-vibhasha- 
lun" already mentioned. This treatise, which was evidently 

• Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ching (No. 114); Yi-ch'ie-ching-yin-yi, ch. 17; 
Sar. Vin. Matrika, cJi. 6. 

2 Sar. Vin. Vibhasha (Nos. 1135 and 1136). 

3 Vibhasha-lun, end of treatise (No. 1279). 

♦ Wu-shih-vibhasha-lun (No. 1283). 


written in Kashmir, was composed, according to the trans- 
lators into Chinese, by 500 arhats. It is an exposition 
and discussion of Katyayaraputra's "Abhidharma-jnana- 
prasthana-^astra", the short Chinese translation for which 
is "Fa-chih-lun" (^ ^ fj^). But the «Abhidharma-ta- 
vibhasha-lun" was evidently not composed by the Kanishka 
Council for, not to mention other matters, it relates a 
miracle which it says occurred formerly in the reign of 
that king. 

The word vibhdshd is often rendered in Chinese by 
Kuang-shuo (^ ^), comprehensive statement, or Kuang- 
chie (^ ^), comprehensim explanation. But more ap- 
propriate renderings are chung-chung-shuo (@ ig ^) and 
fen-fen-shuo {^ | | ), meaning statement hy classes or 
sections} It denotes properly a commentary or discussion 
on a canonical text, especially on an Abhidharma treatise. ^ 
The term, however, seems to have become restricted, by 
some at least, to the Abhidharma commentaries written 
by certain masters in Buddhism, chiefly of Kashmir, who 
attached themselves to the Sarvastivadin School. These 
Masters are very often called Yibhasha-shi (gjj), but they 
are also sometimes called by other names such as Kashmir- 
shi. A vibhasha must apparently be a commentary on 
an abhidharma treatise elucidating the text by the opi- 
nions of various authorities, and it is not necessary that 
the author should be bound by the views of the Sarvasti- 
vadins or any other school or sect. There are also, as 
has been seen, Vinaya-vibhashas, and these are Commen- 
taries or discussions on Vinaya rules as promulgated by 
certain disciples or enforced by certain schools. 

Yuan-chuang's remarks about the learning brought to 
the making of the explanatory commentaries on the Tripi- 
taka do not appear in the translations. The extent of 
the commentators' investigations is doubtless overstated, 
but there is evidence of great study and research in the 

1 Yi-ch4e-ching-yin-yi, ch. 17. 

J Tfla-abhi-hsin-lun, Int. et aL (No. 1287). 


"Vibhasha-lun" and "Abhidharma-maha vibhasha-lun". In 
these books we find an extraordinary acquaintance with 
Buddhist learning of various kinds, and also with Brahmin- 
ical learning including the original Indian alphabets, the 
Vedas and their angas. 

It is to the statements made by our pilgrim about 
Kanishka's Council that we are indebted for nearly all 
our information about the Council In later Tibetan 
books we find mention of it and some particulars about 
it which do not agree with Yuan-chuang's account.^ In 
the Life of Vasubandhu also we read of an assembly 
meeting in Kapin (Kashmir) 500 years after Buddha's 
decease. 2 It contained 500 arhats and 500 Bodhisattvas 
with Katyayani-putra as President, the Vice-President 
being ASvaghosha. These sages compiled the "Sarvata- 
Ahhidharma" and composed for it a commentary — vibhasha. 
When the latter was finished it was written out on stone 
by A^vaghosha, and placed under guard, and the king, 
whose name is not given, forbade the carrying away of 
any part of the treatise out of the country. This account 
also does not agree with Yuan-chuang's narrative which 
must be treated with suspicion as probably containing 
some grave mistakes. The discovery of the copper plates 
which he mentions, with the treatises inscribed on them, 
would help much to make known the Buddhism taught in 
the schools of Kashmir in or about the first century of 
our era. 

Our pilgrim continues his narrative and tells us of the invasion 
of Kashmir, and the assassination of its Eritiya usurping sover- 
eign, by the king of the Tokhara country Himatala, in the 
Booth year after the Buddha's decease. We are told that after 
Kanishka's death a native dynasty had arisen in Kashmir, and 
its sovereign had become a persecutor of Buddhism. Hereupon 
the king of Himatala, who was a Sakya by descent and a zealous 
Buddhist, determined to drive the cruel Kritiya king from his 

1 Tar. S. 58 ff., 298. 

2 Vasubandhu-chuan (No. 1463); Was. Bud. S. 238 ff. 


throne and restore Buddhism. By a stratagem, cunningly devised 
and skilfully carried out, he succeeded in killing the king of 
Kashmir. He then banished the chief ministers of the Court, 
and reinstated Buddhism as the religion of the country, and 
then returned to his own kingdom. But, the pilgrim adds, in 
the course of time the Xritiyas, who still hated the Buddhists 
and bore them grudges, regained the sovereignty and at Yuan- 
chuang's time the country had no faith in Buddhism and gave 
itself up to other sects. 

The Himatala of this passage is a country of which 
we haye some account in the Xn"* chuan (Book) of these 
Records, and it will meet us again. 

The pilgrim now proceeds to mention some of the noteworthy 
sacred objects connected with Buddhism in this district, and he 
begins with a Monastery containing above 300 Brethren, and at 
it a tope built for a Tooth-relic of the Buddha. These build- 
ings, he tells us, were situated on the south side of a mountain 
to the north of the old capital, and above ten li south-east from 
the new capital. The tooth, brought from India, was preserved 
in the tope, and Yuan-chuang describes its size and colour. We 
have also the legend of the acquisition of this relic by a per- 
secuted monk of the country who had gone to India on a 

The Tooth-relic here mentioned was not allowed to 
remain in Kashmir and was carried away a few years 
after Yuan-chiiang's visit by the great king 6iladitya.i 

Our pilgrim goes on to describe that about fourteen li (about 
three miles) to the south of the Monastery at the Tooth-tope 
was a small Monastery which contained a standing image of the 
P'usa Kuan-tzu-tsai (Kuan-yin P'usa). To importunate earnest 
worshippers this P'usa occasionally caused his golden body to 
emerge from the image. 

On a mountain above thirty li south-east from this were the 
ruius of a fine large old monastery. At the time of the pilgrim's 
visit, he tells us, only a two-storey building in one corner of it 
was inhabited, and this contained thirty Brethren who were all 
students of the Mahayana system. It was in this monastery 

> There was a sacred tooth in Kashmir in Baron Hugel's time. 
The Brahmins of Baramnlla, in whose keeping it was, declared that 
the tooth was that of an ancient jin, but Hiigel says it was an ele- 
phant's tooth "and of no great age to judge from its appearance." 


that the Sastra-master Sanghabhadra composed the "Shun-cheng- 
li-lun (jl^ jE 3S fi^)." To the right and left of the monastery 
were topes to great arhats, and the relics of these were all still 
in existence. Hither monkeys and other wild animals brought 
flowers as offerings of worship, and they did this regularly as 
if acting under instructions. Many other strange things occurred 
on this mountain. Thus a wall of rock would be split across 
and footprints of horses would be left on the top of the moun- 
tain. But the latter were deceptive, being tracings made by the 
arhats and their novices when out on parties of pleasure; such 
traces left by them as they rode to and fro were too. numerous 
to mention. Above ten li east of the Buddha-tooth monastery 
in the steep side of the northern mountain stood a small mo- 
nastery. Here the great Sastra-Master So-kan-tt-lo (^ ^ i^ H) 
or Skandhila, composed the " Chung -shih-fen-p'i-p'o-sha-lun" 

The Sastra-master Sanghabhadra will come before us 
again in chapter X. The treatise here mentioned by the 
name "Chung-shih-fen-p'i-p'o-sha (vibhasha)-lun" does not 
seem to be known to the Buddhist canon, at least it is 
not in the existing catalogues or collections. It was ap- 
parently a vibhasha or disquisition on Vasumitra's treatise 
already mentioned the "Chung-shih-fen-abhidharma-lun" 
called also the "Abhidbarma-p'in-lei-tsu-lun", the Sanskrit 
original for which is given as "Abhidharma-prakarana- 
pada-^astra" (Bun. No. 1292). Julien suggests "Vibhasha- 
prakarana-pada as possibly the original title of Skandhila's 
treatise. This Sastra-master, also styled "Arhat", of whom 
very little seems to be known, was also the author of the 
short but interesting treatise entitled. "Shuo-i-ch'ie-yu-ju- 
abhidharma-lun". But the characters for Shuo-i-chie-yu 
meaning "Sarvastivadin" are generally omitted and the 
work is known by its short name "Ju-abhidharma-lun" 
which is in Sanskrit, according to B. Nanjio, "Abhidhar- 
mavatara-^astra". This retranslation of the title, however, 
may possibly not be the correct one. The book is an 
introduction or entrance {Ju /\) to the study of the 
Abhidharma, and its original title may have been some- 
thing like "Abhidharmaprave^ana-sastra". It is to our 


pilgrim that we are indebted for the Chinese translation 
of this little treatise.^ 

Within the grounds of this little monastery, the pilgrim tells 
us, was a stone tope over the bodily relics of an ancient arhat. 
This arhat, who has been referred to already, had been a very 
large man with the appetite of an elephant: so the people of 
the time jeered at him as a glutton without a conscience. When 
the time for his passing away was near he said one day to the 
people — "I am soon to take the remainderless [to die]; I wish 
to explain to you the excellent state to which I have personally 
attained". But the people only jeered the more, and collected 
together to see what would befall. The arhat then addressed 
them thus — "I will now tell you the causal connection of my 
past and present states. In my last existence before this one I 
had through previous karma the body of an elephant in the 
stable of a raja of East-India. While I was there a Buddhist 
monk from Kashmir came to travel in India in search of sacred 
books. The raja gave me to the monk to carry his books 
home, and when I reached this country I died suddenly. As a 
result of my merit from carrying the sacred books I was next 
born as a human being, and then enjoying the residue of my 
good fortune I became a Buddhist monk in early life." The 
arhat goes on to tell the people how he assiduously sought and 
at length obtained spiritual perfection. The only survival from 
his former bodily existence was his elephantine appetite, and by 
the exercise of self-restraint he had reduced his daily food by 
two-thirds. Finally in the presence of the scoffing and un- 
believing spectators he rose in the air and there, in the smoke 
and blazes of a burning ecstasy, he went into final extinction, and 
a tope was erected over the relics which fell to the earth. 

The story here related bears considerable resemblance 
to a story told in the Maha-vibhasha-sastra. There a 
she-elephant named Mo-t'u (or -ch'a) carries relics of the 
Buddha from a foreign country to Kashmir -where she 
dies; she is then re-born as a male child and becoming 
a bhikshu attains arhatship. But the arhat retains the 
elephant's appetite and requires a hu (bushel) of food 
every day. When he is about to pass away he proposes 
to explain to certain nuns his "superior condition" but 

1 This treatise is Bun. No. 1291. In the name of the author the 
first syllable is Sa (^) instead of the So of our text. 

282 prrENA and bodhila. 

they only jeer at him. Then he tells them his history, 
and so explains his great appetite, which he says he had 
moderated, reducing his daily food from a bushel and a 
half to a bushel per diem? The reader will remember 
that Uttarasena brought his share of the Buddha's relics 
home on an elephant, and that the elephant died on reach- 
ing a place not many miles from the capital of Udyana. 

The pilgrim goes on to relate that at a distance of above 
200 li north-west from the capital was the monastery of the 
Shang-lin, that is perhaps, Merchant's-wood. Here the Sastra- 
Master Pvrla-na (Purna) composed an "expository vibhasha- 
luri" (# % )U f\f f^). To the west of the capital 140 or 150 li 
north of a large river and adjoining the south side of a hill was 
a Mahasangika Monastery with above 100 inmates. Here the 
Sastra-Master Fo-ti-lo composed the "Chi-ohen-lun" of the Ma- 
hasangika School. 

By the words here rendered "expository vibhasha-lun" 
the pilgrim probably only intended to describe the character 
of the ^astra. not to give the name of the treatise written 
by Piirna. There does not seem to be any work by this 
author in existing catalogues and collections of Chinese 
translations of Buddhist works, and we cannot be certain 
who is the Purna here mentioned. A book already men- 
tioned, No. 1282 in M'^ Bun. Nanjio's Catalogue, is referred 
by one authority to a Purna as its author. 

The name of the other Sastra-Master of this passage, 
Fo-ti-lo Julien thinks may be for Bodhila. In a note to 
the text the word is explained as meaning "Bodhi-taking". 
But nothing seems to be known either about the man, or 
the "Chi-chen-lun" which he composed. 

It is worthy of notice that none of the Buddhist mo- 
nasteries in Kashmir mentioned by Yuan-chuang seem to 
have been known to other pilgrims and writers; and that 
Buddhist establishments at or near the capital, and in 
other parts of the country, mentioned by other authorities 
were apparently unknown to Yuan-chuang, although they 
were evidently in existence at the time of his visit. Some 

1 Abhi-ta-vib., ch. 42. 


of the viharas in Kashmir mentioned in Wu-k'ung's Itine- 
rary were evidently of a date subsequent to that of our 
pilgrim, but several were much older. Then the pilgrim 
Slian-hui, already mentioned, visited the monastery of the 
Dragon-Tank Mountain where the 500 arhats were wor- 
shipped, and this monastery does not seem to have been 
known to our pilgrim. The reader will have noted also 
that Yuan-chuang when giving the numbers of the Mo- 
nasteries and Brethren in Kashmir does not tell to which 
"Vehicle" the Brethren were attached. But we know 
from other sources that they were mainly Hinayanists of 
the Sarvastivadin School, although as we learn from the 
Records and Life there were also Mahayanists. At the 
capital the Brethren of the two "Vehicles" seem to have 
been living together, and the greatest among them, Ch^eng 
(or YaSa?) was evidently a Hinayanist. The other Brethren 
mentioned in the Life are Visuddhasimha and Jinabandhu 
who were Mahayanists, Suga-(ta-)mitra and Vasumitra 
who were Sarvastivadins, and Suryadeva and Jinatrata 
who were Mahasangikas. 


From this (that is perhaps, the vicinity of the capital of 
Kashmir) the pilgrim travelled, he tells us, through a difficult 
mountairous district south-west for above 700 li to the Pan-nu- 
ts'o country. This region he describes as being above 2000 li 
in circuit, as abounding in hills and mountain valleys, with 
narrow areas of cultivation. The country yielded grain and 
flowers; sugar-cane and fruits, except grapes, abounded. The 
country produced the mango, the fig (here called the udumbara), 
and the plaintain, and these trees were grown in orchards near 
the dwelling-houses. The climate was hot, the people were 
daring and straight-forward, they wore chiefly cotton clothing, 
and they were sincere believers in Buddhism. The Buddhist 
monasteries, of which there were five, were in a ruinous con- 
dition, and the country was a dependency of Kashmir. In a 
monastery to the north of the capital were a few Brethren, and 
to the north of this was a wonder-working tope made of stone. 

The Pan-nu-ts^o of this passage has been identified with 
the modern Punach, or Punats as the Kashmiris call it 


according to Otuiningham.^ Instead of 2000 U as the 
circuit of the country given in some texts of the Records 
the old reading was 1000 li, and this agrees with Cun- 
ningham's statement of the size of the district. In some 
old texts of the Life the name is given as Fan-nu-nu-tso 
(^ ^iSL @l) ^ which the second nu may be due to a 
copyist's carelessness, this character being one of the two 
characters given to indicate the sound of nu ^. 


Our pilgrim goes on to relate that from Punach a journey 
Bouth-east of above 400 li brought him to the Mo-lO'She-purlo 
(Rajapura) country. This he describes as being above 4000 li 
in circuit its capital being above ten li in circuit. It -was a 
difficult country to travel in as it was very hilly with narrow 
valleys; it was not fertile and it resembled Funach in products 
and climate, and like that country it had no sovereign of its 
own and was subject to Kashmir. There were ten Buddhist 
monasteries and the Brethren were few in number ; there was one 
Deva-Temple, but the non-Buddhists were very numerous. 

The native annotator to our text here makes Rajapura 
to be in "North India"j but the annotator to the Fang- 
chih represents it as a state outside of India. The country 
has been identified by Cunningham with "the petty chief- 
ship of Rajaori, to the south of Kashmir". 2 In some texts 
of the Life the direction of Rajapura from Punach is south 
instead of the south-east of our text. 

Here our pilgrim inserts the following interesting general 
observation about the countries through which he had 
lately been passing — 

"From Lampa to B,ajapura the inhabitants are coarse and plain 
in personal appearance, of rude violent dispositions, with vulgar 
dialects, and of scant courtesy and little fairness; they do not 
belong to India proper but are inferior peoples of frontier (i. e. 
barbarian) stocks." 

As to this statement we may observe that the native 
editor of the Records has referred all these countries from 

1 A. G. I. p. 128. 
» A. G. I. p. 129. 


Lampa to Rajapura to "North India". Moreover our 
pilgrim's remarks at the beginning of ChvMn II seem to 
indicate that he regarded all these countries as being in- 
cluded in the great region called India. There, however, 
he was writing as a foreigner, and here he is writing from 
the point of view of a Indian. The summary character 
which he here gives of the inhabitants of these countries 
is not to be fully accepted, and it does not seem to agree 
with his own descriptions in the preceding pages. 




From KajapuT the pilgrim proceeded south-east down a hill 
and across a river 700 li to the Cheh-ka country. This was 
above 10 000 li in circuit; it lay between the P'i-po-she (Bibas) 
river on the east and the Indus on the west; the capital was 
above 20 li in circuit. The crops of the country were upland 
rice and spring wheat; it yielded gold, silver, bell-metal (fu-shih), 
copper, and iron; the climate was hot with much violent wind; 
the inhabitants had rude bad ways and a low vulgar speech; 
they wore glossy white clothing made of silk, muslin &c. ; few 
of them believed in Buddhism, and most served the Devas; there 
were ten Buddhist monasteries, and some hundreds of Deva- 
Temples. On from this country there were numerous Punyasal's 
or free rest-houses for the relief of the needy, and distressed; at 
these houses medicine and food were distributed and so tra- 
vellers having their bodily wants supplied, did not experience 

In the Life we are told that our pilgrim on leaving 
Rajapur went south-east, and after a journey of two (or 
three) days crossed the Chandrahhaga (Chenab) river to 
the city of Jayapur. Here he spent a night in a non- 
Buddhist monastery outside the west gate of the city. 
From this he went on to Sakala in the Cheh-Jcal (in one 
text Li-Jca) country, from that to the city Narasimha, and 
thence eastward to a pala^a wood. Here he had an 
encounter with brigands and narrowly escaped with his 
life. From the village beyond this wood he resumed his 
journey and reached the eastern part of the Cheh-ka 
country. Here he found a large city, and in a mango 


grove west of it lived a brahmin 700 years old, looking 
like a man of thirty years, and having all his mental and 
bodily powers. He had been a disciple of the great 
Nagarjuna, and he was well acquainted with the sacred 
lore of Brahmins and Buddhists. With him Yuan-chuang 
seems to have studied the "Pai-lun" and the "Kuang-pai- 
lun", the latter of which our pilgrim afterwards translated. 
The clause in the above passage from the Records 
rendered "they wore glossy-white clothing made of silk, 
muslin, &c." is in the original yi-fu-hsien-pai-so-wei-Jciao- 
she-ye-yi-chao-hsia-yi (^ M ^ "g ^Jj ffl 1'^ i 15 :'T^ ^ ^ 
^ ^). This is translated by Julien "lis s'habillent avec 
des etoffes d'une blancheur eclatante qu'on appelle Kiao- 
che-ye (Kau^eya-soie), et portent des vetements rouges 
comme le soleil levant, &c." But Kau^eya, with which 
we have met already, and chao-hsia are the materials of 
the white garments worn by the people. The words chao- 
hsia-yi cannot possibly be made to mean "et portent des 
vetements rouges comme le soleil levant". Chao-hsia de- 
notes the light vapours of dawn, the eastern glow which 
heralds sunrise. But it is the name given by the Chinese 
Buddhist pilgrims and writers to certain fine transparent 
fabrics which they found in India and other foreign 
countries. Thus the dancing girls of Fu-nan are described 
as "using chao-lisia for clothing". This material was a 
very fine white gauze or muslin capable of being dyed; 
it was soft and transparent like the fleecy vapours of 
dawn. The images of the P'usas, and other Buddhist 
worthies, were often made to represent these beings as 
wearing chao-hsia-chiin or skirts of transparent material. 
Such koa vestments may be seen on many of the Buddhist 
figures found in India and depicted in books. But chao- 
hsia as an article of clothing was evidently a kind of 
muslin simply fine and Ught.^ 

> See the "T'ang-Shu, ch. 22, 197 et al.; Fo-shuo-t'e-lo-ni-ching. 
eh. 2 (No. 363, tr. 653). Of.— 

"And the far up clouds resemble 
Veils of gauze most clear and white," 


Further, in this passage we have the sentence beginning 
with — "On from this country there were numerous Pu^iya- 
^alas". For this the original is tzu-kiio-yi-ivang-to-yu-fu- 
she (ilfc @ E. ft ^ ^ SS ^). Julien translates the whole 
sentence thus — "II j avait jadis, dans ce royaume, une 
multitude de maisons de bienfaisance (Pounya^alas), oii 
Ton secourait les pauvres et les malheureux. Tantot on 
y distribuait des medicaments, tantot de la nourriture. 
Gr§,ce h cette resource les voyageurs ne se trouvaient 
jamais dans I'embarras". This rendering quite spoils the 
author's statement which is to the effect that at the time 
of his trayels Rest-houses, at which food and medicine were 
distributed gratis, abounded in Cheh-ka and the countries 
of India about to be noticed. These Restrhouses or Fu- 
she are called Pupya^alas in Chuan XII, but in the 
account of the present country the Life calls them Dharma- 
Salas. This latter word, in FaU DhammaSala, is the name 
given to the Hall for preaching, but it seems to be also 
used to designate the free Rest-houses. 

On his way to the capital of this country (which was probably 
also called Cheh-ka) and about fourteen U south-west from it 
Yuan-chuang came to the old capital called Sakala. Some cen- 
turies previously a king named Mo-hi-lo-ku-lo (Mahirakula), 
who had his seat of government at this city, ruled over the 
Indians, He was a "bold intrepid man of great ability and all 
the neighbouring states were his vassals. "Wishing to apply his 
leisure to the study of Buddhism, he ordered the clergy of this 
country to recommend a Brother of eminent merit to be his 
teacher. But the clergy found difficulty in obeying the com- 
mand, the apathetic among them not seeking notoriety, and 
those of great learning and high intelligence fearing stern 
majesty. Now at this time there was an old servant of the 
king's household who had been a monk for a long time. Being 
clear and elegant in discourse and glib in talking, this man was 
selected by the congregation of Brethren to comply with the 
royal summons. This insulting procedure enraged the king who 
forthwith ordered the utter extermination of the Buddhist church 
throughout all his dominions. Now the king of Magadha at 
this time, Baladitya by name, was a just and benevolent ruler 
and a zealous Buddhist and he rebelled against the order for 
the persecution of Buddhists. When Mahirakula proceeded to 


invade the territory of Baiaditya to reduce him to obedience 
the latter accompanied by several myriads of hia subjects with- 
drew to an island. Mahirakula came in pursuit but he was taken 
prisoner. On the petition of Baladitya's mother the prisoner 
was set free and allowed to go away. His younger brother having 
taken possession of the throne he took refuge in Kashmir, and 
here he repaid hospitality by treachery, and having murdered 
the King he made himself ruler. Then he renewed his project 
of exterminating Buddhism, and with this view he caused the 
demolition of 1600 topes and monasteries, and put to death nine 
kotis of lay adherents of Buddhism. His career was cut short 
by his sudden death, and the air was darkened, and the earth 
quaked, and fierce winds rushed forth as he went down to the 
Hell of unceasing torment. 

This passage reads like a romance founded on a basis 
of fact. The Mahirakula of our pilgrim has been identi- 
fied with king Mihirakula of Kashmir, and his king Bala- 
ditya of Magadha is supposed to be possibly the Nara 
Baladitya of coins, i But there are difficulties in the way 
of accepting these identifications. There is first the differ- 
ence in the forms Mahirakula and Mihirakula, but this 
is perhaps unimportant and need not be further noticed. 
The form Mahirakula seems to be confined to the pilgrim, 
and he may have used it to suit his erroneous rendering 
of the name by Ja-tsu or "Great Clan". But the Mihi- 
rakula of the Inscriptions began his reign in A. D. 515, 
while the king of whom Yuan-chuang tells lived "some 
centuries" before the pilgrim's time. Other authorities also 
seem to place Mikirakula at a date much before A. D. 515. 
Thus in the "Lien-hua-mien-ching" or "the sutra of Lotus- 
flower-face" Mihirakula, a reincarnation of the Lotus-flower- 
face arhat, appears as the King who exterminates Bud- 
dhism in Kapin (Kashmir) and breaks the Buddha's bowl.^ 
This sutra must have been composed some time before 
A. D. 574 the date of its translation (according to one 
account), and the contents seem- to indicate that it was 

1 See Mr. Fleet on Mihirakula in Ind. Ant. Vol. XV p. 245 f., and 
the correspondence* at p. 346 f.: J. R. A. S. Vol. XXI p. 114 — 5: 
J. P. T. S. 1896 p.p.' 87, 110: Law/enoe's Valley of Kashmir p. 186. 

' Lien-hna-mien-ohing oh. 2 ((No. 465). 


290 SAKALA. 

written long after the death of Mihirakula. It relates 
that after this event seven deva-putras became incarnate 
in succession in Kashmir, and that they restored Buddhism. 
The meaning of this evidently is that the king was succeed- 
ed by seven sovereigns who were all patrons of Buddhism. 
Then in the "Pu-fa-tsang-yin-yuan-ching", translated A.D.472, 
a persecuting king called Mi-lo-ku (^ ^ i|^), that is evi- 
dently Mihirakula, destroys the Buddhist sacred buildings 
and slaughters the Brethren in Kapin (Kashmir).* He 
beheads the 23"* , and last (according to this work), of the 
great Buddhist Patriarchs, by name Shih-tzu (gjp ■^) that 
is, Simha. This last event according to the "Chih-yue-lu" 
occurred inA.D. 259.2 jq^o authority is given for this date 
and it is not to be implicitly accepted, but it is interesting 
to note that the B,ajatarangini makes twelve reigns inter- 
vene between Kanishka and Mihirakula. If we allow an 
average of 15 years for these reigns we get A.D. 80 +180 
or A, D. 260 for the accession of Mihirakula. 

The Life and Records leave the situation of the rained 
city of Sakala rather uncertain. The latter work tells us 
that this city was 14 or 16 li south-west from the new 
capital, of the situation of which, however, we are not told 
anything. In the Life Sakala is three (or four) days' journey 
or about 300 li (about 60 miles) south-east from Rajapur 
and on the east side of the Chenal. Then the old capital 
of the Records does not appear in the Life which on the 
other hand mentions a large city on the eastern confines 
of Che-Ka and this city does not appear in the Records. 
Cunningham, against both the Life and the Records, places 
Sakala about 120 miles to the south-west of Rajapur. He 
identifies Yuan-chuang's Cheh-ka (or Tsekia), as name 
of a city, with "the ruins of a large town, called Asarur 
which accord almost exactly with the pilgrim's description 
of the new town of Tsekia". This Asarur is "exactly 
112 miles distant from Raj aori (Rajapur) in a direct line 

i I'u-fa-tsang-yin-yuan-ching, ch. 6 (No. 1340). 
' Chi-yue-lu, cA. 3. 


drawn on the map", that is, 112 miles to the south-west 
of Rajapur. But it is very evident that Yuan-chuangs 
journey from the latter to the capital of Cheh-Ka was a 
zig-zag one always, however, tending eastward, and Asarur 
cannot be the pilgrim's capital of that country. 

In Sakala was a Buddhist monastery with above 100 Brethren 
all adherents of the Hinayana system. In this Monastery P'usa 
Vasubandhu composed the "Sheng-yi-t'i-lun" Q^ ^ |i^ t'k)- ^ 
tope beside this monastery marked a place where the Four Past 
Buddhas had preached, and there were footprints where they 
had walked up and down. 

The sastra here ascribed to Vasubandhu does not seem 
to be known to the Buddhist collections. Julien restores 
the Sanskrit name as "Paramartha satya Sastra", but this 
is only a probable conjecture. 

The Cheh-ka (^ jjg) of this passage is Lih (^)-ka in 
one text of the Life, and this latter form is found in other 
works. It is possible that the original for both transcrip- 
tions was a word like Tikka or Tekka, ch and I sounds 
being both used to represent the t of Sanskrit. The term 
in our text has been restored as Tcheka, Takka and Taki. 
It designated a country which was not in India, but was 
one of the foreign states which lay between Lampa and 
India, and should have been included in the pilgrim's 
general survey at the end of the last chuan.* 


From the Che-ka (or Tekka) district Yuan-chuang continued 
his journey going eastward for above 500 li and came to the 
country which he calls Chi-na-p'uh-ti (31 515 ^M IS)- This di- 
strict was above 2000 li and its capital 14 or 15 li in circuit: it 
produced good crops of grain but did not abound in trees: the 
inhabitants had settled occupations and t!ie national revenue 
was abundant: the climate was warm and the inhabitants had 
feeble timid ways. The learning of the people embraced Bud- 
dhism and secular knowledge, and orthodoxy and heterodoxy 
had each its adherents. There were ten Buddhist monasteries 
and nine Deva-Temples. 

> For this country see A. G. I. p. 179. 

292 VINfTA-PfiABHA. 

The Chinese annotator here has translated the name of 
the country by Han-fSng (Ql ^), and Julien, who reads 
the characters of the name as Tchi-na-po-ti gires the 
Sanskrit original as "Tchinapati", meaning "Lord of China". 
But Han-feng means China-fief not China-lord, and the 
characters for p'uh-ti cannot be taken to represent pati. 
They evidently stand for hhukti which is translated by 
ftng in the sense o{ possession, portion.^ So China-bhukti 
is the China-allotment, and the China-bhukti-de§a was the 
district assigned to China, that is to the China hostage 
according to Yuan-chuang's story. 

One of the ten monasteries here mentioned was, accord- 
ing to the Life; called T'u-she-sa-na, which perhaps stands 
for Toshasan meaning "Pleasure-giving". This monastery 
was apparently at the capital, and Yuan-chuang found in 
it a monk eminent for learning and piety. The name of 
this monk was Vinltaprabha, and he was the son of an 
Indian prince. This monk was the author of two commen- 
taries on Abhidharma works, and Yuang-chuang remained 
here fourteen months studying with him various Abhidharma 

Groing back to the narrative in the Records we have 
the pilgrim's explanation how the name China-bhukti came 
to be given to this region. 

When Kanishka was reigning the fear of his name spread to 
many regions so far even as to the outlying vassals of China to 
the west of the Yellow River. One of these vassal states being 
in fear sent a hostage to the court of king Kanishka, (the hostage 
being apparently a son of the ruler of the state). The king 
treated the hostage with great kindness and consideration, allowing 
him a separate residence for each of the three seasons and pro- 
viding him with a guard of the four kinds of soldiers. This 
district was assigned as the winter residence of the hostage and 
hence it was called Chinabhukti. The pilgrim proceeds to relate 
how Peaches and Pears were unknown in this district and the 
parts of India beyond until they were introduced by the "China 

1 Sanskrit-Chinese Vocabulary. In the C text of the Life instead 
of-p'u we have -fcm ("jH), but this may be only a copyist's mistake. 


hostage". Heoce, he tells us, peaches were called "Ohinani" and 
pears were called "China-rajaputra"- 

The Sanskrit names here given for the peach and the 
pear seem to be known only from this narrative. Later 
authorities tell us that these fruits are indigenous in the 
country, and the whole story of the hostage is possibly 
an invention. One Sanskrit name for the peach is given 
in a glossary as dru and this name is still in use: and a 
name for the pear is given as tanasa but this word does 
not seem to be known. Further the "China" known to 
the people of India before the arrival of Chinese pilgrims 
and afterwards was apparently not the "Flowery Middle 
Country", but rather a region occupied by a tribe living 
to the west of the Chinese empire, far west of the Yellow 
River. This "China" was watered by the rivers Sita and 
Chakshu and it wd,s one of the countries in the north-east. 
The name was afterwards extended to the "Flowery Land" 
apparently by the Buddhist writers and translators of 
India and Kashmir. Our pilgrim tells his readers that 
the people of Chinabhukti had great respect for the "East 
Land" and that pointing to him they said one to another — 
"He is a man of the country of our former king"- 

Cunningham thinks that the capital of this country may 
be represented by the present Patti, "a large and very 
old town situated 27 miles to th« north-east of Kasur and 
10 miles to the west of the Bias river", i But notwithstand- 
ing the presence of the ubiquitous brick-bats and old 
wells, this proposed identification need not be seriously 
considered. It is not at all probable that the name 
Chinabhukti was ever generally known or used for the 
district to which it is applied by the pilgrim. He seems 
indeed to be the only authority for the name. Not only 
so but a copyist's error in transcribing it has unfortuna- 
tely been perpetuated. In the Life, and in one place in 
the old texts of the Records, the first syllable of the word 
was left out by mistake. It yas evidently this mistake 

I A. G. I. p. 200. 


which led to the use of Na-p^uh-ti instead of Oii-na-p'uh-ti 
as the name for the country next to Tekka in the Fang- 
chih and in maps and treatises of later times. 


From the capital of Chinabhukti the pilgrim -went south-east 
above 500 li to the Ta-mo-su-fa-na (Tamasavana) Monastery. 
This had above 300 Brethren of the Sarvastivadin School who 
led strict pure lives and were thorough students of the HinaySna. 
Here each of the 1000 Buddhas of the Bhadrakalpa assembles a 
congregation of devas and men and preaches the profound ex- 
cellent E«ligion. Here also in the 300"> year after Sakyamuni 
Buddha's nirvana the Sastramaster Ka-to-t/en-na compcsod his 
"Fa-chih-lun"- This monastery had an Asoka tope above 200 feet 
high beside which were the spots on which the Four Past 
Buddhas had sat and walked up and down. Small topes and 
large caves in unknown number succeeded each other closely, 
all having relics of arhats who since the beginning of this kalpa 
here passed away for ever. Surrounding the Hill-Monastery for 
a circuit of twenty li were hundreds and thousands of Buddha- 
relic topes very close together. 

In the Life the distance from the capital of Chinabhukti 
to the Tamasavana monastery in 50 li or only one tenth 
of the distance here given. Our pilgrim's Ta-mo-su-fa-na 
is undoubtedly the Tamasavana (or Tamasavana) or 
"Darkness-wood" of other authors. This was apparently 
the name both of the monastery and of the district in 
which it was situated. The monastery must have been at 
an early date a noted seat of Buddhism as Brethren from 
it were among the great Doctors invited by king Asoka 
to his Council. The description of the summoning of this 
Council is given in several treatises from one original 
apparently. It is interesting to note the agreement and 
difference of these treatises in the matter of the Tamasa- 
vana. In the Divyavadana the reading is "Tamasavane" 
and the A-yii-wang-ching in agreement with this has An- 
lin or "Darkness-wood", the interpretation given by our 
pilgrim. But the Tsa-a-han-ching instead of Tamasavana 
has To-po-p'oh which is evidently for Tapova, the original 
being probably Tapovana. In the A-yii-wang-chuan the 


"dhiras Tamasavane" is rendered by Cliou-ye-wu-wei lit. 
"day-night fearless", that is, the brave of the Day-night.' 
The phrase in ordinary Chinese would mean "day and 
night without fear", but here the term chou-ye is used in 
the sense of "the darkness of day". It corresponds to the 
chotv-an or "Day-darkness" of another treatise and both 
terms evidently stand for Tamasa.2 

With reference to this Monastery we read that the 
Buddha accompanied by the faithful yaksha Vajrapaiji 
passed over a dark green wood on his way through the 
air to convert the Dragon-king Apalala. Addressing the 
Yaksha Buddha prophecied that in that place 100 years 
after his decease a vihara would be erected to be called 
"Darkness-wood" which should be preeminent for absorbed 
meditation. 3 

The Sastra-master here called Ka-to-yen-na (Katyayana) 
was Katyayaniputra, and his ^astra here mentioned exists 
in two Chinese translations one of which is by our pilg- 
rim. < 

For the words in the text here interpreted as meaning — 
"Surrounding the Hill-monastery for a circuit of twenty 
li were hundreds and thousands of Buddha-relic topes very 
close together", Julien has — "Les convents, qui s'elevent 
tout autour de la mpntagne, occupent un circuit de vingt 
li. On compte par centaines et par milliers les stoupas 
qui renferment des cJie-li (Qariras-reliques) du Bouddha. 
lis sont trfes-rapproches et confondent mutuellement leur 
ombre". This rendering seems to be inadmissible and to 
give a meaning very different from what the author intend- 
ed to convey. Yuan-chuang does not make the absurd 
statement that there were Buddhist monasteries for twenty 
li all round a hill, but he tells us that there were thousands 
of relic-topes all round the "Hill monastery". The "Hill 

' Divyav. p. 399 : A-yii-wang-ching, ch.B: Isa-a-han-ching, ch.2i: 
A-yii-wang-chuan ch. 1 (chou-ye-wu-wei ^ ii£ ^ S)- 

2 Ta-chuang-yen-lun, ch. 5 (No. 1182), chow-an ^ ^. 

3 Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, ch. 9. 
* Bun. No. 1273, 1275. 


monastery" was the Tamasavana; and it was so called by 
the pilgrim because it was isolated, and not subject to a 
superior establishment. This use of the word shan (ilj) 
in the senses of wild, independent, rustic is very common, 
and the phrase shan-ka-lan meets us again in these Records. 
The monastery Tamasavana as our pilgrim describes it 
was a spacious comprehensive establishment. It had accom- 
modation for 300 Brethren: it contained a tope and sacred 
places of the Buddhas, and the caves and memorial topes 
of numerous deceased arhats; and then all round it for 
twenty li were many thousand Buddha-relic topes. In other 
treatises the establishment is called a Wood or HUl, and 
it was evidently different in character from ordinary viharas. 


Prom Tamasavana a journey of obout 140 H north-east brought 
the pilgrim to the She-lan-ta-lo (Jalandhara) country. This coun- 
try -was above 1000 li east to west and 800 li north to south, 
and its capital was twelve or thirten li in circuit. The region 
yielded much upland rice with other grain, trees were widely 
spread, and fruits and flowers abounded; the climate was warm; 
the people had truculent ways and a mean contemptible appear- 
ance, but they were in affluent circumstances. There were above 
50 Monasteries with more than 2000 Brethren who made special 
studies in the Grreat and Little Vehicles. There were three 
Beva-Temples with more than 500 professed non-Buddhists of 
the Fa^upata sect. A former king of this country had been a 
patron of non-Buddhistic systems; afterwards he met an arhat and 
learning Buddhism from him became a realous believer. Thereup- 
on the king of "Mid-India" appreciating his sincere faith gave 
him sole control of matters relating to Buddhism in all India, 
In this capacity (as Protector of the Faith) the king of Jalandhara 
rewarded and punished the monks without distinction of persons 
and without private feeling. He also travelled through all India 
and erected topes or monasteries at all sacred places. 

The She-lan-ta-lo of this passage was long ago restored 
as Jalandhara, the name of a city and district iu the north 
of the Panjab.' But it may be noted that the Life here 

< A. G. I. p. 136. 


and the Fang-chih have She-lan-ta-na as if for Jalandhana*; 
in another passage the Life has She-lan-ta, and this ia 
the form of the name used by I-ching 2. In the Sung pil- 
grim's itinerary the name is given Tso-lab-t'o-la (.^ j^ pg 
g) that is, Jalandhana^. 

Of the 50 Monasteries here mentioned one was doubtless 
the Nagaradhana vihara mentioned in the Life. Li it 
Yuan-chuang found the learned Brother named Chandra- 
varma with whom he spent four months studying the 
"Chung-shih-fen-vibhasha", or Commentary on the "Chung- 
shih-fen-Abhidharma-lim" already noticed. 

Our pilgrim, it will be noticed, represents the Brethren 
in this district as "making special studies in the Maha- 
yana and Hinayana". His words are ta-hsiao-erh-sheng- 
chuan-mSn-hsi-hsio (^ i]< ^ ^ ^ P^ ^ !$)• These words 
are translated by Julien— "que I'etude particuli^re du 
grand et du petit Vehicule partage en deux classes distinc- 
tes". This is a very unhappy rendering and the inter- 
polation of the words "partage en deux classes distinctes" 
is unwarranted and spoils the author's statement. What 
he wished us to unter stand was that the Brethren in the 
various Monasteries devoted themselves as they pleased 
to particular lines of study in the Mahayanist and Hina- 
yanist books. 

According to the Life our pilgrim revisited Jalandhara, 
and on that occasion was well treated by the king of 
"North-India" who had his seat of government in the city 
with this name. The king is called Wu-ti or Wu-ti-to 
(.1^ Sfe ^) restored as Udito. It was evidently the same 
king who treated courteously, and entertained hospitably, 
another Chinese pilgrim whose name was Hsuan-chaa 
(iflS)* whom we have met already. 

« Life ch. 5 and J. I. p. 260—1. 

3 Hsi-yii-ch'iu, ch.1 and Chavannes Memoires pp. 14, 15 and notes. 

3 Ma I. 1., ch. 338. 

* Hsi-yu-ch'iu 1. 0. 

298 KU-Ltr-xo. 


From Jalandhara the pilgrim travelled north-east, across moun- 
tains and ravines, by hazardous paths, for above 700 li, and came 
to the country which he calls Kulto. This region, which was 
above 3000 li in circuit, was entirely surrounded by mountains. 
Its capital was 14 or 15 li in circuit. It had a rich soil and 
yielded regular crops, and it had a rich vegetation abounding 
in fruits and flowers. As it was close to the Snow Mountains it 
had a great quantity of valuable medicines. It yielded gold, 
silver, red copper, crystal lenses and bell-metal (teu-shih). The 
climate grew gradually cold and there was little frost or snow. 
There were in the country twenty Buddhist Monasteries with 
above 1000 Brethren of whom the most were Mahayanists, a 
few adhering to the Schools (that is, belonging to the ElnaySna 
system). Of Deva-Temples there were fifteen and the professed 
non-Buddhists lived pell-mell. On both sides of the steep' moun- 
tain-passes were caves [which had been] the lodging-places of 
arhats and rishis. In this country was a tope erected by Asoka 
to mark the place at which the Buddha on his visit to the 
district had preached and received members into his church. 

In the statement here made about the climate of the 
country the words "grew gradually cold" are in the ori- 
ginal cliien-han (Hf ^). This is the reading of the A and 
C texts, but the B and D texts instead of chien have yii 
(^) meaning, passing, excessive, which is manifestly wrong. 
The latter was the reading of Julien's text, and as it did 
not suit the words which follow — "there was little (wei 
if^) frost or snow", he decided to substitute cMng (^) 
for the wei of his text. He then translates — "il tombe 
souvent du givre et de la neige". But this violent altera- 
tion seems to be unnecessary, and wei is the reading of 
all the texts. 

In the Fang-chih the name of this country is given as 
Ku-lu-to-lo and also Ku-lu-lo. Cunningham considers that 
the distance and bearing of the district from Jalandhara 
correspond "exactly with the position of Kullu, in the 
upper valley of the Byas river", and he regards it as the 
Kuliita of other writers i. This latter term is the name 

> 'Ancient Geography of India' p. 142. 

IiABiE. 299 

of a country in the north-west division of the Brihat Sam- 
hita^. As the Sanskrit word kula means, along with other 
things a heap or collection the Ku-lu-to country is perhaps 
the Chi-chi (^ ^) or "Accumulation" district of the Sar- 
vata Vinaya. Buddha there goes from the Tamasavana 
to the Chi-chi district where he converts and receives 
into his church a Yaksha who afterwards builds a mona- 
stery. The district also obtained a relic of the Buddha's 
body for which a tope was built called the Chi-chi Tope 2. 

The pilgrim now tells us of two countries which he did not 
visit. Going north, he writes, from Kuluto for above 1800 li 
you come to the Ko-hu-lo country: still farther north above 
2000 H was the Mo-lo-so (or-sha) country, the roads being very 
bad and cold. 

Cunningham regards the Lo-hu-lo of this passage as 
"clearly the Lho-yul of the Tibetans and the Lahul of 
the people of KuUu and other neighbouring states". The 
pilgrim's Mo-lo-so, Cunningham says — "must certainly be 
Ladak." He regards the so of the name as a mistake for 
p'o, and Mo-lo-p'o, he says, would give us Mar-po "the 
actual name of the province of Ladak". A note to our 
Chinese text here tells us that another name for Mo-lo-so 
was 8an-p'o-ha. The two countries here mentioned were 
of course outside of India. 


From Kuluto the pilgrim travelled south, over a high mountain 
and across a great river, for above 700 li, and reached the coun- 
try caHed She-to-fu-lu. This was above 2000 Kin circuit, bounded 
on the west by a large river (supposed to be the Sutlej), and its 
capital was 17 or 18 li in circuit. It was an a agricultural and 
fruit-producing country, and yielded much gold, silver, and other 
precious substances. The inhabitants were in good circumstances 
and led moral lives, observing social distinctione and adhering 
devoutly to Buddhism. In and about the capital were ten mona- 
steries, but they were desolate, and the Brethren were very few. 
About three li to the south-east of the capital was an Asoka 

1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 182. 

2 Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, ch. 9. 


tope above 200 feet high, and beside it vreie traces of spots on 
which the Four Past Buddhas had sat and walked up and down. 

Nothing seems to be known of the country and city 
here described, and the suggestions for identification re- 
quiring some tampering with the text are not of much 
value ^- The restoration of the name as Satadru has been 
generally accepted, but the transcription seems to require 
rather Satadure, and this is perhaps better than Satadru 
which is the name of a river (the Sutlej) : the characters, 
however, may represent Satadru. 


From Satadru the pilgrim proceeded south-west, and after a 
journey of over 800 li, reached the country called Po-li-ye-ta-lo 
(Paryatra). This country was above 3000 and its capital about 
14 li in circuit. It bad good crops of spring wheat and other 
grain, including a peculiar kind of rice which in 60 days was 
ready for cutting. Oxen and sheep were numerous, and fruits 
and flowers were scarce: the climate was hot and the people 
had harsh ways, they did not esteem learning and were not 
Buddhists. The king, who was of the Fei-she (B^ ^) (Vaisya 
stock, was a man of courage and military skill. There were eight 
Buddhist monasteries in a bad state of ruin: the Brethren, who 
were very few in number, were Hlnayanists. There were above 
ten Deva-Temples and the professed non-Buddhists were above 
1000 in number. 

The district here described has been identified by M. 
Reinaud "with Paryatra or Bairat" and this identification 
has been accepted.^ 

The rice of this country which grew and ripened in 
60 days could ,not have been the ordinary upland or dry 
rice, as Jo thinks, for that was well known to the pilgrim 
as a product of his own country and of several lands 
through which he had recently passed. It must have been 
a special variety, as the Cochin-China rice, to which Julien 
refers, is a peculiar variety. 

I See Julien III. p. 335: A. G. I. p. 144. 
s Julien III. p. 336: A. G. I. p. 337. 



From Paryatra, the pilgrim continues, a journey of above BOO li 
eastwards brought him to the country called Mo (or Mei)-tu-lo 
(or Mathura). 

This name is translated in some Chinese glossaries by 
"Peacock", as if Mayura. It is also said to be deriyed 
from madhu, honey, as if the spelling of, the name 
were Madhura. M' Growse considers that the word is proba- 
bly connected with the Sanskrit root math, Ho chum", 
"the chum forming a prominent feature in all poetical 
descriptions of the local scenery".' In connection with 
this it is interesting to observe that in a Buddhist scrip- 
ture a sick bhikshu is represented as unable to obtain 
milk at Mathura. 2 There was also a story of a great 
giant Madhu from whom the name of the city and district 
was derived. This also points to the form Madhura. 

Yuan-chuang describes the country of Mathura as being above 
5000 li in circuit, its capital being above twenty li in circuit. 
The soil, he says, was very fertile and agriculture was the chief 
business : mango trees were grown in orchards at the homesteads 
of the people : there were two kinds of this fruit, one small and 
becoming yellow when ripe, and the other large and remaining 
green. The country produced also a fine striped cotton cloth 
and gold: its climate was hot: the manners and customs of the 
inhabitants were good: the people believed in the working of 
karma, and paid respect to moral and intellectual eminence. 
There were in the district above twenty Buddhist monasteries, 
and above 2000 Brethren who were diligent students of both 
"Vehicles". There were also five Deva-Temples and the pro- 
fessed adherents of the difierent non - Buddhist sects lived 

When Fa-hsien visited this country he also found 20 
monasteries but he estimated the number of Brethren as 
about 3000.3 

We now come 'to a passage which presents some serious 
difficulties. It ^eems to be faulty both in form and sub- 

t Growse's Mathura p. 73 (2d ed.). See below p. 311- 
2 A-yii-wang'ehing, ch. 9. 
8 Fo-kuo-chi, ch. 16. 


stance and it has perplexed native scholars. For the 
present we may render it as follows. 

There are three topes all built by Asoka: very numerous traces 
left by the Four Past Buddhas: topes (or a tope) for the relics 
of the following holy disciples of Sakya Ju-lai, viz. Sariputra, 
Mudgalaputra, Furnamaitriyaniputra, Upali, Ananda, and Rahula: 
topes for Mafljusri and the other P'usas. In the "Three Longs" 
of every year, and on the six Fastdays of every month, the 
Brethren with mutual rivalry make up parties, and taking mate- 
rials of worship with many valuables, repair to the images of 
their special patrons. The Abhidharma Brethren offer worship 
to Sariputra, the Samadhists to Mudgalaputra, the Sutraists to 
Purnamaitriyaniputra, the Vinayists to Upali, the bhikshunis to 
Ananda, and the sramaneras to Rahula: and the Mahayanists to 
the various P'usas. On these days the topes vie with each other 
in worship: banners and sunshades are displayed, the incense 
makes clouds and the flowers are scattered in showers, sun and 
moon are obscured and the mountain-ravines convulsed: the king 
and his state'smen devote themselves to good works. 

The difficulties of this passage begin with the first sen- 
tence, and a native scholar took from the paragraph a 
very different meaning from that here given. He under- 
stood the author to state that there were three Asoka 
topes, viz. one for the numerous traces left by the Four 
Past Buddhas, one for the holy disciples of the Buddha, 
and one for the P'usas. There is something to be said 
in favour of this interpretation, but it does not quite suit 
either the construction or the context. With the present 
interpretation we have the bald statement that there were 
three Asoka topes. The Fang-chih places these within 
the capital; but our text does not give any information 
as to their situation, or structure, or the purposes for 
which they were erected. So also the next clause — "very 
many traces of the Four Past Buddhas" — seems to require 
at its head either the — "viz. a tope for" of the Chinese 
scholar, or the "On montre" which Julien prefixes. Then 
as to the topes for the relics of the great disciples the 
term for relics is i-shen (jg Jg-) lit. "left bodies", and 
Julien translates i-shen stupa by "Divers stoupas renfer- 
mant les corps '. But i-shen here, as in other passages, 
means only the ashes, bones or other relics left after crem- 


ation, sh^ being used as the equiyalent of the Sanskrit 
word for body, Sailra. which is also used in the sense of 
a "bodily relic". Then we have this difficulty, that not 
only was no one of the great disciples here named buried 
at Mathura, but also there is no authority for stating that 
the relics of any one of them were conveyed to this district. 
Moreover, as the Fang-chih points out, Rahula was suppos- 
ed not to have tasted death. This treatise, accordingly 
suggests that the word for iody (shSn) should not be taken 
here in its ordinary sense, but should be unterstood as 
meaning a visible symbol, such as an image or other likeness. 
The reader will observe that our pilgrim represents the 
worshippers as paying reverence, not to the topes, but to 
images or pictures apparently set up for the occasion. 
Fa-hsien in his general survey of "Mid-India" including 
the Mathura district, tells us that at the Buddhist viharas 
there were topes to Sariputra, Madgalyayana (Yuan-chuang's 
Mudgalaputra), Ananda, and to the Sutras, the Vinaya, 
and the Abhidharma. To some of these topes services 
were offered, biit he describes the Sramaneras as making 
offerings to Rahula not to his tope, and he describes the 
Mahayanists as offering worship to "Prajiiaparamita, 
Manju^ri, and Kuan-shi-yin".^ 

Then our pilgrim is perhaps wrong in representing the 
Abhidharmists as worshipping Sariputra, the Samadhists 
as worshipping Mudgalaputra, and the Sutra Brethren as 
worshipping Purna-Maitriyaniputra. Sariputra was dis- 
tinguished among the disciples for his great spiritual wis- 
dom or prajna, but he had nothing to do with the Abhi- 
dharma, which did not come into existence until after his 
death. So Mahamaudgalyayana was great in magic, in 
his superhuman powers, but not in samadhi. Maitriyani- 
putra is sometimes praised as a good expounder of the Master's 
teaching but he is not specially associated with the sutras. 

Julien takes Manju^ri to be one of the holy disciples 
of the Buddha, and the author of Fang-chih; and others 

1 Fo-kuo-chi. 


have taken the same meaning out of the text. But Man- 
ju^ri was not a human heing: he was one of the great 
Bodhisattvas, often figuring as first or chief of all these 
Mah9, creations. 

This passage tells us that the Brethren went in parties 
to offer worship to their respective patrons in the "Three 
Longs" of the year and the Six Fast-days of each month. 
By the "Three Longs" we are probably to understand the 
first, fifth, and ninth months of each year which were 
called the "Three Long Months" and the "Three Long 
Pasts". The Six Fast-days were the 8t^ 14«', 15*"^ of each 
haK-month or the 8^, 14«', 15*\ 23* 29*^ 30*'^ of each 
month. This has been made known to us by Julien who 
obtained his information from a late Chinese Buddhist 
compilation. In this work under the heading "Nine Fast 
Days" we find the above three month-fasts and six monthly 
day-fasts given as making up the "Nine Fast-days". This 
seems to be rather a peculiar way^ of reckoning, and Julien 
gets over the difficulty by changing month into "in the 
month", and making the "nine Fast-day^" literally nine 
days. But then, what is to be done with the Fasts called 
the "Three long months" or "Three long Fasts"? The 
reason for the religious observance of these periods by 
the Buddhist clergy and laity is given in several books. 
In the three months specified Indra (or according to 
some Visvamitra, or according to others the four Deva- 
rajas) by means of secret emissaries made a, careful exa- 
mination into the conduct and modes of life of the in- 
habitants of Jambudvipa (India). So all the people of 
that continent were on their best behaviour in these months, 
they abstained from flesh and wine, and even from food 
lawful in ordinary times, and they offered worship and 
practised good works. They also kept holiday and visit- 
ed the shrines of their divinities to pray for earthly 
blessings. In these months there were no executions of 
criminals and no slaughter of animals was allowed, i Thus 

1 Fo-shuo-chai-ching (No. -577): Shib-ehih-yao-lan, ch. 3: Fo-tsu- 
t'ung-chi, ch. 33 (No. 1661). 


the "Three Long Easts" were evidently in their origin a 
popular rather than a Buddhistic institution, and Buddhism 
may have adopted them to a certain extent as a matter 
of expediency. They are never mentioned, however, in the 
canonical treatises. 

The "Six Fast-days of every Month" were also popular 
religious holidays before the time of the Buddha. Accord- 
ing to some accounts these days, like the three months, 
were devoted by Indra's messengers to a roving inspection 
of the moral and religious conduct of the people of India i. 
The people on their part were careful on these days to 
fast, and offer worship, and do good works, in the hope 
of receiving material recompense such as fine weather and 
good crops. This sort of observance was called the "Cow- 
herd's Fast". But the Parivrajakas of the Tirthikas 
devoted these six days to the public reading of their 
scriptures, and the Buddha followed their example. He 
ordained that on these days the Fratimoksha should be 
recited in a select congregation of the Brethren; and he 
seems also to have appointed the reading of the Dharma 
on these days, the Uposatha days, to the people 2 

Our pilgrim is apparently wrong in representing the 
Buddhist Brethren as spending the first, fifth, and ninth 
months in the manner here indicated. The fifth month 
was part of the Eetreat from the rains, and the Brethren 
could not break up B,etreat for a whole month and go away 
to a tope or a monastery to pay respect to their special 
patrons and enjoy themselves with their companions. Fa- 
hsien makes the festival of Patron-worship occur once a 
year after E.etreat, each set having its own day, and this 
is more likely to be correct than yuan-chuang's account. 
According to Fa-hsien also it was the people who provided 
the illuminations and flowers for the topes while the clergy 
preached. These topes, moreover, in his narrative through- 
out the region of which he is writing were apparently 

1 Ssu-t'ien-warg-ching (No. 722): Tseng- yi-a-han-ching, ch. 16 
J 'Vinaya Texts' (S. B. E.) Vol. 1. pp. 239, 240. 

U ■ 


attached to or near monasteries, but the topes of our pil- 
grim's account do not seem to have been connected with 
any Buddhist establishment. 

Returning to our pilgrim's description of this district 
we read that — 

going east from the capital five or six li one comes to a "hill- 
monastery" the chamber of which was quarried in a steep bank, 
a narrow defile being used to form its entrance. This monastery 
had been made by the venerable Upagupta and it enclosed a 
tope, with a finger-nail relic of the Buddha. Through the north 
rock-waU of the monastery was a cave above 20 feet high by 
30 feet wide, within which were piled up fine four-inch slips of 
wood (that is, tallies). When the Venerable Upagupta was 
preaching and converting, every married couple which attained 
arhatship put down a tally here, but for single members of families 
although they became arhats no record, of the fact was kept. 

The words for "a hill-monastery" in this passage are 
yi-shan-ka-lan and Julien translates them "un Ma-lan situe 
sur une montagne". As has been seen a "hill-ka-lan" was 
a rural non-descript vihara not attached to any superior 
establishment. Then Julien makes the pilgrim locate the 
Tally-cave "dans une caveme qui est au nord de ce Icia- 
lan". The text has 7ca-lan-pei-yen-hsien-yu-shih-shih (jjp 
^ 4b >^ F4 W 'B ^) *^^* ^^' ^^ *^® steep rock on the north 
of the ka-lan is a cave. The word yen does not mean 
une caveme but a steep wall of rock, and the entrance 
to the Tally-cave was through the rock which formed the 
north side of the Vihara-Cave. This interpretation of the 
text vrill be found to agree with descriptions given in 
other treatises. 

The site of the Upagupta monastery, as we may call 
the Hill ka-lan, of our author's narrative was apparently 
the place called the Urumu^da (or Urumapda or Ruru- 
manda) Hill, and the Rimurunda of MLRockhUl's Tibetan 
text. The name Urumanda is rendered in Chinese by 
"Great Cream" (:^|i|iffB), its literal signification!, and 
near the hill there was a "Great Cream" town or village. 
To describe or indicate this hill various forms of ex- 

' A-yii-wang-ching, eh. 9. 


pression are used. Thus seen from a distance it was "an 
azure streak"; it was also a "line of green forest", and a 
"wood of green trees". On or at this hill, according to 
some authorities, the brothers Nata and Bata constructed 
the Natahata-vihara, to which they afterwards invited Upa- 
gupta when he came to live at Mathura. This is suppos- 
ed to be the "Hill ka-lan" of our pilgrim but it may 
have been a separate establishment. This "Hill ka-lan" 
was evidently the house or vihara of Upagupta on the 
Urilmanda hill, and it was probably a large natural cave 
improved by art to constitute a monastery. Connected 
with the .monastery was the cave in which the disciples 
converted by Upagupta's teaching, on their attainment of 
arhatship deposited each a slip of wood or bamboo. ^ This 
cave is also represented as a "made house" but this is 
evidently a mistake 2. Its dimensions vary in different 
books, one authority making it 18 cTiou long, by 12 chou 
wide, and 7 chou high'. In our pilgrim's description we 
should probably regard "above 20 feet high" as a mistake 
for "above 20 feet long" other writers giving the length as 
24 or 27 feet, the height being about 9 or 10 feet. Then 
Yuan-chuang's statement, that tallies were kept only of 
married couples attaining arhatship is very silly and does 
not agree vyith the accoimts in other Chinese books. 
According to these every one who through Upagupta's 
teaching and guiding became an arhat added his tally 
to the pile. Upagupta had marvellous success as a 
Buddhist missionary at Mathura: he converted many thou- 
sands of lay people, and through him 18000 disciples 
attained arhatship. When he died all the tallies deposit- 
ed by these arhats were taken away and used at his cre- 
mation*. Yet Yuan-chuang would have us believe that he 
saw them still filling up the cave. 

1 Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, ch. 9. 

2 A-yu-wang-ohuan, ch. 5. 

' Sar. Vin. 1. 0. The sh'ou (l]ij) was about I'/j foot. See also A- 
yii-wang-ching, ch. 6. 

4 Sar. Vin. l..c.: Tar. S. 14 f. 



In some books the hill on which was the Natabata- 
vihara occupied by Upagupta is called Sira or U&a, 
although we also have mention of the U^ira hill without 
any reference to a cave or monastery >. This U^ira hill 
was at the side of the "Urumanda Hill" and the latter 
name may have included the two hills and the wood or 
forest adjoining. 

General Cunningham considered the site of Upagupta's 
monastery to be that of the Id-gah or Katra of the present 
Muttra, and this opinion has been adopted by others. 
But it is undoubtedly wrong. A later investigator, 
M' Grrowse, writes: "General Cunningham, in his Archseo- 
logical Report, has identified the Upagupta monastery 
with the Yasa vihara inside the Katra: but in all proba- 
bility he would not now adhere to this theory; for, at the 
time when he advsinced it, he had never visited the Kan- 
kali Tila, and was also under the impression that the 
Fort always had been, as it now is, the centre of the city. 
Even then, to maintain his theory, he was obliged to have 
recourse to a very violent expedient, and in the text of 
the Chinese pilgrim to alter the word 'east' to 'west', because, 
he writes, "a mile to the east would take us to the low 
ground on the opposite bank of the Jamuna, where no 
ruins exist", forgetting apparently Fa Hian's distinct state- 
ment that in his time there were monasteries on both 
sides of the river, and being also unaware that there are 
heights on the left bank at Isapur and Mahaban, where 
Euddhist remains have been found. The topographical de- 
scriptions of the two pilgrims may be reconciled with existing 
facts without any tampering with the teit of the narrative. 
Taking the Katra, or the adjoining shrine of Bhtitesvar, 
as the omphalos of the ancient city and the probable site 
of the great stupa of Sariputra, a short distance to the 
east will bring us to the Kankali Tlla, i. e. the monastery 
of Upagupta". 2 This is very positive but not quite con- 

» Tar. 1. c: Ta-pei-ching (No. 117). 
2 Growse op. c. p. 112. 


vincing, and where did M' Growse get his "great stupa of 

This Upagupta monastery is apparently the "Cream- 
yillage" vihara of a Vinaya treatise, one of the many 
Buddhist establishments mentioned as being in the Mathura 
district. 1 It may . also perhaps be the Gnha vihara of the 
Lion Pillar inscriptions. 2 We find it called the Natika 
sanghs.rama, and the Natabata (or Natibati)-Tihara, as 
already stated, and the ^atabhatikaranyayatana of the 
Divyavadana.5 It was evidently in a hill among trees and 
not far from the city of Mathura, but Yuan-chuang seems 
to be the only authority for placing it about a mile to the 
east of the city. This would apparently put the Urumanda 
hill on the east side of the Jumna, and the situation 
assigned to the Monkey Tope in the next paragraph agrees 
with this supposition. 

The pilgrim's narrative proceeds to state that to the south-east 
of the cave (that is, the Cave monastery) and 24 or 25 li (about 
five miles) from it was a large dried up pond beside which was 
a tope. This was the place, Yuan-chuang tells us, at which 
when the Buddha was once walking up and down a monkey 
offered him some honey. The Buddha caused the honey to be 
mixed with water and then distributed among his disciples. 
Hereupon the monkey gambolled with delight, fell into the pit 
(or ditch) and died, and by the religious merit of this ofiering 
was bom as a human being. 

The story of a monkey or a flock of monkeys (or apes) 
presenting wild honey to the Buddha is told with varia- 
tions in several Buddhist scriptures. In some the 
scene of the story is laid near Vai^ali* (and our pil- 
grim, it will be seen, tells of a troop of monkeys offering 
honey to the Buddha at this place), in some at Sravasti*, 

1 Seng-chi-lii, ch. 8. 

2 J. R. A. S. for 1894 p. 526. 

3 Divyav ch. XXVI and p. 385: Bur. Int. p. 378: Ta-pei-ching. 

4 Chung-a-han-ching, ch. 8: Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, ch. 18. Cf. Re- 
cords, ch. 7. 

5 Hsien-yii-ching, ch. 12: Der Weise u. d. T. S. 347. 


and in some at the Natika village K The following account 
of the whole matter is taken chiefly from the "Hsien-yii- 
ching". The Buddha was once visited at Sravasti by a 
Brahmin householder who was son-less and vidshed to 
know whether he was to die so. Buddha consoled him 
with promise of a son who should become a distinguished 
member of the church. In due time the son was bom, 
and because it was observed that about the time of his 
birth the honey-vessels in the house became full of honey, 
he received the name "Honey-prevailing". In Chinese the 
name is Mi-sheng (^^^) and the Sanskrit original is 
written Mo-t'ou-lo-se-diih, that is, Madhurasachi or "Sweet 
Influence", viz. born with the good omen of honey. This 
boy in time became a disciple of the Buddha who ex- 
plained to Ananda that Mi-sheng in a long-past previous 
existence had been a bhikshu, that he had then once been 
disrespectful to a senior Brother. The senior rebuked 
him gently and Mi-sheng was penitent, but he had to 
suffer punishment for his thoughtless rude language by 
500 births as a monkey. It was in the last of these births 
that the incident of the honey-offering occurred. The 
Buddha and his disciples had halted for rest one day 
under some trees by a tank not far from Sravasti. Here 
a monkey came and took Buddha's bowl and soon after 
returned with it full of honey and offered it to the Buddha. 
The latter sent the monkey back first to remove the in- 
sects from the honey and afterwards to add water to it. 
When the honey was thus "pure", that is, fit for bhikshus' 
use Buddha accepted it and distributed it among his dis- 
ciples. The monkey was now up a tree again, and seeing 
his honey accepted and distributed he frisked about with 
delight until he fell and was drowned in the pit below. 
But by the merit of the gift of honey he was immediately 
born again as a human creature and became the disciple 
Mi-sheng. In another treatise the name of the bhikshu 

' Sar. Vin. P'o-seng-shih, eh. 12. This may be the Natika of Uru- 
manda, the village and the monastery having the same name. 


is given as Madhu-Vasishtha, his family name being Va- 
sishtha*, and in another work he is called Mirhsing or 
"Honey-nature".2 Li one book the monkey skips with 
delight but does not fall into the water 3, and in another 
he dies and is born again in Paradise.* 

The story of the monkey and the honey, here repeated 
by the pilgrim, being told of Mathura as an expla- 
nation of the name, must have arisen at a time when 
the form used was Madhura. There is also another 
monkey or ape stoiy connected with Mathura. In a pre- 
vious existence, the Buddha once explained, Upagupta 
was born as a monkey (or ape) and became the chief of 
a troop of monkeys living at Urumapda. As such he made 
offerings and shewed much kindness to 500 Pratyeka 
Buddhas who were living on another part of Urumanda. 
The merit of his conduct to these worthies brought the 
monkey birth as a human being in his next existence, and 
in it, as the bhikshu Upagupta, he rose to be a most suc- 
cessful preacher, a peerless saint, and a Buddha in all 
but the bodily signs. ^ 

The pilgrim goes on to narrate that to the north of the dried- 
up pond, and not far from it, was a large wood in which were 
footsteps of the Four Past Buddhas, left by them as they walked 
up and down. Hard by these were topes to mark the places at 
which Sariputra and the others of the Buddha's 1250 great dis- 
ciples had practised absorbed meditation. There were also memo- 
rials of the Buddha's frequent visits to this district for the pur- 
pose of preaching. 

The "large wood" of this passage, which lay between 
the Upagupta Monastery and the Dried-up Pond, may be 
the forest generally mentioned in connection with Uru- 
manda. But it is at least doubtful whether any of the 
1250 disciples ever practised samadhi in this neighbour- 

• Sar. Vin. P'o-seng-shih, ch. 12. 

2 Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, ch. 18. 

3 Chung-a-han-ching, eh. 8. 

4 Seng-chi-lii, ch. 29. 

5 Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yuan-ching, ch. 3: Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, ch. 9: 
Divyav. Ch. XXVI. 


hood. The Ummanda district was a great resort of asce- 
tics devoted to serenity of mind and prolonged meditation, 
hut this was after the time of Upagupta. Then the 
Buddha's visits to the Mathura district do not seem to 
have heen numerous, even if we accept records of doubtful 
authenticity. We are told that he expressed a dislike to 
the country which had, he said, five defects. The ground 
was uneven, it was covered with stones and brick-bats, it 
abounded with prickly shrubs, the people took solitary 
meals, and there were too many women, i We find men- 
tion of the Buddha visiting the country on one occasion 
and lodging in a mango-tope near the Bhadra river.2 On 
another occasion he lodged with his disciples in Ass Yak- 
sha's palace (or the monastery of Ass Yaksha) which was 
apparently outside the capital.' He also passed through 
this country with Ananda when returning from his mission 
to "North-India", going among the yung-chun-jen (^ ^ J^) 
or Surasenas until he reached Mathura city. 

It is worthy of notice that in his account of Mathura 
and the surrounding district the pilgrim does not give 
the name of any hill, or river, or town, or Buddhist esta- 
blishment in the country. His information about the dis- 
trict is meagre and his remarks about the Buddhist ob- 
jects of interest in it seem to be confused and to a certain 
extent second-hand. He apparently did not visit the capi- 
tal, and made only a hurried journey across a part of the 
country. It seems very strange that he does not mention 
by name the famous Urumunda (or Urumanda) Hill, so 
intimately connected, as we have seen, with the introduc- 
tion of Buddhism into the district, and evidently an old 
place of resort for contemplative ascetics of other religious 

> Sar. Vin, Yao-shih, ch. 10. 

2 Tsa-a-han-ching, ch. 2 and 24. The mango topes seem to have 
all disappeared from the Mathura district. 

3 Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, ch. 10. This building was properly not a 
monastery, but a hall or temple. It was apparently on the occasion 
of the Buddha's returning from the north that he made the stay at 
Mathura, converting the -wicked Yakshinis, and preaching his religion. 


systems. Nor does he mention the great river which flow- 
ed past the east side of Mathura city. Fa-hsien men- 
tions this river which he calls Pa-na (^ J5) short for the 
Yao (^)-pu-na (Yabuna) of his translations. Our pilgrim 
in his translations and in this chuan transcribes the name 
Yen-mou-na (Yamuna). Then he does not seem to have 
heard of such wellknown Buddhist establishments- as the 
vihara of the Hsien-jen (fill J^ydiu-lao or Kishi village 
(or town), or the vihara of the Grove the Ts'ung-Un (^ ^) 
-ssu. The former was on the east and the latter on the 
west side of the Jumna. • Ts^ung-lin is supposed to be 
for the Sanskrit Pipda-vana : it could not have been Kri- 
shna's Vrinda-vana, which was on the opposite side of 
the river. 

> Seng-chi-lu, ch. 8. 



sthaneSvar to kapitha. 

From the Mathura country the pilgrim, according to his narra- 
tive, proceeded north-east, and after a journey of above 500 li, 
reached the Sa-Va-ni-ssu-fa-h (Sthanesvara) country. He tells 
us this country was above 7000 li in circuit, and its capital, with 
the same name apparently, was above twenty li in circuit. The 
soil was rich and fertile and the crops were abundant: the cli- 
mate was warm: the manners and customs of the people were 
illiberal : the rich families vied with each other in extravagance. 
The people were greatly devoted to magical arts and highly 
prized outlandish accomplishments: the majority pursued trade, 
and few were given to farming: rarities from other lands were 
collected in this country. There were (that is, at the capital 
apparently) three Buddhist monasteries with above 700 professed 
Buddhists, all Hinayanists. There were also above 100 Deva- 
Templea and the non-Buddhists were very numerous. 

The capital, the pilgrim goes on to describe, was surrounded 
for 200 li by a district called the "Place of Eeligipus Merit" — 
Fu-ti (fS Jj^). The origin of this name Yuan-chuang learned 
at the place to be as follows. The "Five Indias'' were once 
divided between two sovereigns who fought for mastery, inva- 
ding each other's territory and keeping up unceasing war. At 
length in order to settle the question of superiority, and so give 
peace to their subjects, the kings agreed between themselves to 
have a decisive action. But their subjects were dissatisfied and 
refused to obey their kings' commands. Thereupon the king 
[of that part of India which included Sthanesvara] thought of an 
expedient. Seeing it was useless to let his subjects have a voice 
in his proposals, and knowing that the people would be influen- 
ced by the supernatural, he secretly sent a roll of silk to a clever 
brahmin commanding him to come to the palace. On his arrival 
there the brahmin was kept in an inner chamber, and there he 


composed (that is, by the King's inspiration) a Dharma-sutra 
(that is, a treatise on Duty). This book the king then hid in a 
rock-cave, where it remained for several years until vegetation 
covered the spot. Then on^ morning the king informed his 
ministers at an audience that he had been enlightened by Indra, 
who told him in a dream about an inspired book hidden in a 
certain hill. The book was brought forth, and officials and people 
were enraptured. By the king's orders the contents of the scrip- 
ture were made known to all, and the sum of them was briefly 
this — 

Life and death are a shoreless ocean with ebb and flow in 
endless alternation: intelligent creatures cannot save themselves 
from the eddies in which they are immersed. I have an admi- 
rable device for saving them from their woes, and it is this — 
Here we have for 200 li round this city the place of religious 
merit for generations of the ancient sovereigns, but as its evi- 
dences have been effaced in the long lapse of time, people have 
ceased to reflect on the efficacy of the place, and so have been 
submerged in the ocean of misery with no one to sav& them 
from perishing. Now all who, being wise, go into battle and die 
fighting, will be reborn among men: slaying many they will be 
innocent and will receive divine blessings: obedient grand-chil- 
dren and filial children serving their parents while sojourning in 
this district will obtain infinite happiness. As the meritorious 
service is little, and the reward it obtains great, why miss the 
opportunity? Once the human body is lost there are the three 
states of dark oblivion : hence every human being should be dili- 
gent in making good karma, thus all who engage in battle will 
look on death as a return home — 

The the king ordered an enrolment of heroes for battle, and 
an engagement took place on this ground. The bodies of those 
killed in battle were strewn about in confused masses, so great 
was the number of the slain, and the huge skeletons of these 
heroes still cover the district, which popular tradition calls the 
Place of Eeligious Merit. 

The whole of this passage about the "Place of Religious 
Merit" is curious and interesting, giving, as has been pointed 
out by others, the story which our pilgrim heard on the 
spot about the wars of the Kauravas and Pandavas. It 
reads like an extract from the Bhagavadgita. The passage 
which, in the present rendering of it, is treated as being 
the sum of the inspired teaching of the sutra, is ,made by 
Julien, in his version, to be a proclamation by the king of 


SthaneSvara. The last clause of the passage is treated 
by him as a separate sentence and he translates it thus — 
"Lk-dessus, tous les hommes combattirent avec ardeur et 
coururent joyeusement k la mort", that is, before the king 
called on the people to enlist in his service. This treat- 
ment of the text seems to be a very unfortunate one as 
Yuan-chuang makes a clear distinction between the coun- 
sel of the Dharmastitra (Fa-ching f^ j^), and the king's 
proceedings after the promulgation of the counsel. 

Four or five li to the north-west of the capital, the pilgrim 
relates, was an Asoka tope made of bright orange bricks, and 
containing wonder-working relics of the Buddha. Above 100 U 
south from the capital was the Ku-hun-fu (in some texts -ch'a) 
monastery: this had high chambers in close succession and 
detached terraces: the Buddhist Brethren in it led pure strict 

The Eu-hun-t'u (or ch'a) of this passage may perhaps, 
as has been suggested, be for Govinda. Another restora- 
tion proposed is Gokantha, and this is the name adopted 
by Cunningham, but it does not seem possible that the 
Chinese characters are a transcription of this word. Go- 
vinda is a common name for Krishna, but it may have 
been the name of the village in which the monastery here 
described was situated. 

The SthaneSvara of this passage has been identified 
with the modern Thanesar (Tanesar, Tanessar) in Ambala. 
Cunningham seems to regard this identification as beyond 
question', although in perhaps no point of distance, direc- 
tion or measurement do the two places correspond. Tha- 
nesar is about 180 miles to the north-north-west of Ma- 
thura2, and Sthane^var was about 100 miles to the north- 
east of that place: the area of the country as given by 
the pilgrim is too great by one fourth and that of the 
"holy land" (Yuan-chuang's Place of Happiness, that is 
Religious Merit) is too small by half. Moreover the Fu-ti 
of the Records cannot be regarded as a translation of 

» A. G. I. p. 328: J. III. p. 339. 
2 Alberuni Vol. I. p. 199. 


Dharma-Kshetra, another name for the Kuru-Kshetra. Be- 
sides, this latter name designated a large plain above 
100 miles to the south-east of Thanesvar, and the Fu-ti 
was all round the city Sthanesvara for only about 40 miles. 
Cunningham in his usual manner proposes to get over 
some of the diflSculties by taking liberties with the pil- 
grim's text. It is better, however, to regard our pilgrim 
as being correct in his statement of distance and direction 
from Mathura to Sthanesvara, and as deriving his infor- 
mation on other matters from the Brethren in the monas- 
teries. He seems to represent himself as going to the 
great monastery 100 li (about 20 miles) south from the 
capital. Had he made a journey to the south of Thane- 
sar, he would probably have told us of the celebrated 
Tank in the district about which Alberuni and Tavernier 
relate wonderful things.' 


The pilgrim continuing the story of his travels relates 

that — 

from this (that ia apparently, Sthanesvara) he went north-east 
for above 400 li and came to the country Su-lu-k'in-na. 

The Life, which calls this country I/urhin-na, makes it 
to be 400 li to the east of Sthanesvara. Our pilgrim's 
transcription has been restored as Snighna, but this does 
not seem to be right. Another transcription is 8u-lu-kie 
(kci)-li^un, and this and the transcription in the text seem 
to point to an original like Srukkhiu or Srughin. Cun- 
ningham, taking the "from this" of the text to mean from 
the Govinda monastery, makes the 400 li to be counted 
from that monastery and accordingly gives the distance 
from Sthanesvara to Srughna as only 300 Zi.2 But the 
Life, and the Pang-chih, make Yuan-chuang start from 
and count from Sthanesvara, and as it seems likely that 

• Alberuni Vol. II. p. 145: Bernier's Travels (Constable's Or. 
Misc.) p. 302. 

J A. G. I. p. 345. 


Yuan-chuang did not go to the Govinda monastery, I think 
we should understand the "from this" of the text to mean 
from the capital. Cunningham identifies the city ^rughna 
with the modern village of Sugh which "is surrounded on 
three sides by the bed of the old Jumna". But as the 
measurements and distances given by Yuan-chuang, as 
usual, do not agree with those required by Cunningham, 
we may perhaps regard the identification as not quite 

Proceeding with his description of Srughna the pilgrim 
tells us that 

it'was above 6000 li in circuit, bounded on the east by the Gan- 
ges and on the north by high mountains, and that through the 
middle of it flowed the river Yen-mo-na (Jumna). The capital, 
above 20 li in circuit, was on the west side of the Jumna, and 
was in a ruinous condition. In climate and natural products the 
country resembled Sthanesvara. The inhabitants were naturally 
honest: they were not Buddhists: they held useful learning in 
respect and esteemed religious wisdom. There were five Buddhist 
monasteries and above 1000 Buddhist ecclesiastics, the majority 
of whom were Hinayanists, a few adhering to "other schools". 
The Brethren were expert and lucid expounders of abstract doc- 
trines, and distinguished Brethren from other lands came to them 
to reason out their doubts. There were 100 Deva-Temples, and 
the non-Buddhists were very numerous. 

The statement here that the majority of the Buddhist 
Brethren in ^rughna "learned the Little Vehicle and a 
few studied other schools" is rather puzzling as all the 
Eighteen Schools (pu) belonged to the Hinayana. All 
the texts, however, agree, and the Fang-chieh shews a 
wise discretion by omitting the difficult words. By the 
"other schools" Yuan-chuang may have meant the Sau- 
trantikas and other schools which had arisen in the later 
development of Buddhism, and were independent of the 
old schools and the two "Vehicles". The •pilgrim heard 
expositions of the doctrines of the Sautrantikas during his 
stay in the country. But we must also remember that he 
uses the terms Mahayana and Hinayana in a manner 
which is apparently peculiar to himself. 


The narrative proceeds — To the south-east of the capital 
and on the west side of the Jumna outside the east gate of a 
large monastery was an Asoka tope at a place where the Ju-lai 
had preached and admitted men into his church. Beside this 
tope was one which had hair and nail-relics of the Ju-lai, 
and round about were some tens of topes with similar relics of 
Sariputra, Mudgalaputra, and the other great arhats. After the 
Buddha's decease the people of this country had been led astray 
to believe in wrong religions and Buddhism had disappeared. 
Then Sastra-masters from other lands defeated the Tirthikas 
and Brahmins in discussions, and the five monasteries already 
mentioned were built at the places where the discussions were 
held in order to commemorate the victories. 

A journey of above 800 K east from the Jumna (that is, at 
Srughna) brought the pilgrim to the Ganges. The source of 
this river, he adds, is three or four li wide : the river flows south- 
east to the sea, and at its mouth it is above ten li vride: the 
waters of the river vary in colour and great waves rise in it: 
there are many marvellous creatures in it but they do not injure 
any one: its waters have a pleasant sweet taste and a fine sand 
comes down with the current. In the popular literature the 
river is called Fu-shui or "Happiness-water" that is, the water 
(or river) of religious merit. Accumulated sins are effaced 
by a bath in the water of the river: those who drown them- 
selves in it are reborn in heaven with happiness: if the bones 
of one dead be consigned to the river that one does not go 
to a bad place: by raising waves and fretting the stream, 
(that is, by splashing and driving the water back) the lost soul 
is saved. 

In the Life and the Fang-chih the pilgrim proceeds to 
the "Source of the Ganges" which is 800 li to the east 
of the Jumna and this is supposed to be what the pilgrim 
meant to state. But the context and the sequel seem to 
require us to take him literally as simply coming to the 
Ganges. It was apparently at a place to the south of the 
"Source of the Ganges" that he reached that river. This 
"Source of the Ganges" is supposed to be Gangadvara or 
Hard'nar, the place where the Ganges emerges from the 
Sivalik mountains into the plains. The expression here 
rendered "the waters of the river vary in colour" is shui- 
se-Tsamg-lang (^jic ^ '{^ ^) that is, "the water in colour 
is Tsang-lang", or clear and muddy. The allusion is to 


the Tsang-lang river which, as we learn from a boy's song 
quoted in Mencius, ran sometimes clear and sometimes 
muddy.' Julien translates the words by "La couleur de 
ses eaux est bleuatre", a rendering which is not correct 
from any point of view. Then as the original for Fu-shui, 
"fliver of religious merit" (lit. Keligious merit water) Julien 
gives Mahabhadra, which is a name for the Ganges but 
is not the equivalent of Pu-shui. This term is a literal 
rendering of the Sanskrit and Pali word Punyodaka, merit- 
water, and Punyodaka is the name of a river in the world 
beyond. The reason why the name was transferred to the 
Ganges is to be found in the next paragraph of our pas- 
sage, in which the pilgrim describes the spiritual efficacy 
of the water of the river. In this paragraph the words 
rendered "by raising waves and fretting the stream the 
lost souls (or spirits) are saved" are yang-p'o-chi-liu-wang- 
him-hm-cM (.% 'Si M f^ C i^ M. #?)• Julien connects 
these words with the preceding clause which states that 
if the bones of a dead person are consigned to the river 
that person does not go to a bad place, Julien making the 
author add — "pendant que les flots se gonflent et cou- 
lent en bondissant, I'^me du defunt passe a I'autre rive". 
The first clause of this is not a translation of the Chinese, 
and Julien's failure to understand his author has spoiled 
this passage and his rendering of the story about Deva 
P'usa which follows. 

Our pilgrim, in connection with his remarks about the 
popular belief in the spiritual virtues of the water of the 
Ganges, that is presumably at Gangadvara, relates the 
following annecdote — • 

Deva P'usa of the Chih-shih-tzu-hiO (or Simhala country), pro- 
foundly versed in Buddhist lore and compassionate to the simple, 
had come hither to lead the people aright. At the time of his 
arrival the populace, male and female, old and young, were as- 
sembled on the hanks of the river and were raising waves and 
fretting the current. The P'nsa solemnly setting an example bent 
his head down to check and turn the stream. As his mode of 

1 Mencius, ch. 7. P. I. 

LEGEND or DEVA. 321 

procedure was different from that of the rest, one of the Tirthi- 
kas said to him — Sir, why are you so strange? Deva answered 
— My parents and other relatives are in the Simhala country, 
and as I fear they may be suffering from hunger and thirst, I 
hope this water will reach thus far, and save them. To this 
the Tirthikas replied — Sir, you are in error and your mistake 
comes from not having reflected — your home is far away with 
mountains and rivers intervening — to fret and agitate this water, 
and by this means save those there from hunger, would be like 
going back in order to advance, an unheard of proceeding. Deva 
then replied that if sinners in the world beyond received bene- 
fits from this water, it could save his relatives notwithstanding 
the intervening mountains and rivers. His arguments convinced 
his hearers ; who thereupon acknowledged their errors, renounced 
them, and became Buddhists. 

The Chih-shih-teu Jiuo or Simhala country of this pas- 
sage has been taken to be Ceylon, the country generally 
so designated, but it may be here the name of a country 
in India. Yuan-chuang, as will be seen hereafter, pro- 
bably knew that Deva was a native of South-India and 
not of Ceylon. 

According to the story here related, when Deva found 
the people on the river-side splashing the water, he set 
himself to lead them to right views. He assumed a grave 
air and an earnest manner, and while the others were 
merely going through a religious rite, he seemed to be 
making a serious effort to force the river back. As he 
evidently desired, his strange manner attracted attention; 
and he was able to turn the Tirthikas' criticism against 
themselves. Here Julien gives a rendering which seems 
to be against construction and context, and makes the 
story absurd. The Chinese for "giving an example" or 
"leading aright" here is chi-yin {^ 51) ^^'^^ Julien trans- 
lates "voulut puiser de I'eau". But the phrase is of com- 
mon occurrence and generally in the sense of "lead by 
example" or "set in the right course". 

In this Srughna (or Srughin) country, we learn from 
the Life, the pilgrim enjoyed the society of a learned Doc- 
tor in Buddhism, by name Jaya-^upta. The pilgrim remained 
here one winter, and half of the spring following; and "when 



he had heard all the vibhasha of the Sautrantika School" 
he continued his journey. 

"With reference to Yuan-chuang's mention of the Buddha 
having preached at the capital of this country, it may be 
stated that the story of the Buddha visiting Srughna and 
there meeting the Brahmin named Indra, vrho was proud 
of his youth and beauty, is told in the DivyavadSna and 
in the Sarvata Vinaya.^ 


The pilgrim proceeds to narrate that crossing to the east bank 
of the river (that is, the Ganges) he came to the Mo-ti-pu-lo (Mati- 
pur) country. This was above 6000 li, and its capital above 20 li 
in circuit. It yielded grain, fruits, and flowers, and it had a 
genial climate. The people were upright in their ways: they 
esteemed useful learning: were well versed in magical arts: and 
were equally divided between Buddhism and other religions. 
The king, who was of the Sudra stock (that is caste) did not 
believe in Buddhism, and worshipped the Devas. There were 
above ten Buddhist monasteries with above 800 Brethren mostly 
adherents of the Sarvastivadin school of the Hinayana. There 
were also above fifty Deva-Temples and the sectarians lived 

The Mo-ti-pu-lo or Matipur of this passage has been 
identified by Saint-Martin and Cunningham with Madawar 
or "Mandawar, a large town in western Rohilkhand, near 
Bijnor".2 But in Cunningham's Map No. X, to which he 
refers us, Madawar is to the south-east of Srughna and 
to the south of Gangadvara, whereas Matipur was to the 
east of Srughna and east of the "Source of the Ganges", if 
we are to regard that as the place at which the pilgrim 
halted before crossing the river. Then, as usual, the areas 
of the country and its capital do not agree with Cunning- 
ham's requirements. 

Four or five li south from the capital, the pilgrim continues, 
was the small monastery in which the Sastra-master Grunaprabha 
composed above 100 treatises including the " Pien - chen - lun" 

« Divyav. p. 74: Sar, Vin. Yao-shih, ch. 9. 
» A. G. I. p. 348. 


■ ^ 1^) o^ Trath-expounding Treatise. This Gunaprabha, 
Yuang-chuang tells us, from being a very clever boy had grown 
up to be a man of great intellectual abilities, and of wide and 
varied learning. He had at first been a student of the Maha- 
yana system, but before he had thoroughly comprehended the 
abstruse mysteries of that system, he was converted to the Hina- 
yana by the perusal of a Yaibhasha treatise. After this he com- 
posed several tens of treatises in refutation of the Mahayana 
principles, and in defence of the Hinayana tenets. He was also 
the author of some scores (several tens and more) of secular 
books: he set aside as wrong the standard treatises of his pre- 
decessors. But in his comprehensive study of the Buddhist 
canonical scriptures Gunaprabha had experienced difficulties on 
above ten points, and of these his prolonged application did not 
bring any solution. Now among his contemporaries was an ar- 
hat named Devasena, who was in the habit of visiting the Tushita 
Paradise. This Devasena, by his supernatural powers, on one 
occasion took Gunaprabha, at the request of the latter, up to the 
Tushita Paradise to have an interview with Maitreya Bodhisattva, 
and obtain from the Bodhisattva the solution of his spiritual 
difficulties. But when presented to Maitreya Gunaprabha was 
too proud and conceited to give the Bodhisattva his due reve- 
rence, and accordingly Maitreya would not solve his difficulties. 
As Gunaprabha remained stubborn in his self-conceit even after 
one or two unsuccessful visits, and as he would not be guided 
by the counsels of Devasena, the latter refused to take him any 
more into Maitreya's presence. Hereupon Gunaprabha in angry 
disgust went into solitude in a forest, practised the "Penetration- 
developing samadhi", but, not having put away pride, he was 
unable to attain arhatship. 

The Tushita Paradise, as is well known, is the Heaven 
in which the Bodhisattva Maitreya sojourns between his 
last incarnation on earth and his future advent as Buddha. 
The Sastra-master Gunaprabha in this passage considers 
himself, as a fully ordained Buddhist bhikshu, to be supe- 
rior to the Bodhisattva who was enjoying the pleasures 
of a prolonged residence in Paradise; and accordingly 
Gunaprabha persists in his refusal to show to Maitreya 
the reverence due to a great Bodhisattva, and conse- 
quently fails in his career. 

The last clause in the above passage is given according 
to the correction of the Ming editors. This makes the 


text to read pu-t§-chSng-kuo (;:p ^% |g ^), that is, "he 
could not realize the fruit", viz-of arhatship. The old 
reading of some texts was pu-shih{^)chSng-Jciw, meaning 
"he quickly realized the fruit". The D text has pu-chenff 
tao'huo, which also means "he did not attain to arhatship", 
and this is doubtles the author's meaning. 

In a note to the name of Gunaprabha's treatise, the 
"Pien-chen-lun", mentioned in the above passage Julien 
restores the Sanskrit original as "Tattvavibhanga castra". 
This seems to show that he had forgotten the restoration 
of the name, given in translation and in Chinese transcrip- 
tion, which he had made in the Life. There he makes the 
name to be "Tattvasatya §astra", and this restoration has 
been adopted by subsequent writers although it does not 
correspond to the translation of the name given by Yuan- 
chuang and the Chinese annotator. Now the characters 
which Julien makes to stand for satya are san-ti-sho (^ 
f^ ^) for sandesa, and the name of the treatise was evi- 
dently Tattvasandesa or "Exposition of Truth", Yuan- 
chuang's Pien-chen, with the' word for Castra (lun) added;* 
This treatise, which at one time had some fame, expoun- 
ded the views of the Sarvastivadin school, but it is un- 
known to the existing collections. 

The Gunaprabha of Parvata here mentioned is not to 
be confounded with the great Vinaya master of the same 
name mentioned by Taranatha.2 Burnouf was of opinion 
that our Gunaprabha might be the Gunamati, Master of 
Vasumitra, mentioned in the "Abhidharmakosa-vyakha", 
but there does not seem to be any ground for this un- 
likely supposition.3 In the 8"^ chuan of our treatise we 
find a Gunamati disputing with a great master of the San- 
khya system. 

Three or four li north from Gunaprabha's monastery, Yuan- 
chuang's narrative proceedsj was a monastery with above 200 
Brethren, all Hinayanists. It was in this monastery that the 

» Life Ch. 2: J. I. p. 109. 

2 Tar. S. 126 et al.: Wass. Bud. S. 84. 

3 Bur. Int. p. 566: Le Lotus de la bonne Loi p. 358. 


Sastra-Master Sanghabhadra ended his life. This Sanghabhadra, 
it is added, was a native of Kashmir, and a profound scholar in 
the Vaibhasha sastras of the Sarvastivadin school. 

In this passage it is especially important to avoid Julien's 
rendering. "[Le Traits] Vibhacha gastra" as the treatise 
of Sanghabhadra to be presently noticed does not deal 
•with the special work called "Vibhasha-lun". 

Contemporary with Sanghabhadra, Yuan-chuang continues, was 
Vasubandha Bodhisattva, devoted to mystic doctrine, and seeking 
to solve what was beyond language. This man in refutation of 
the Vibhasha masters composed the "Abhidharma-kosa-sastra"' 
ingenious in style and refined in principles.- Sanghabhadra was 
moved by the treatise, and devoted twelve years to its study: 
then he composed a' treatise which he called the "Kosa-pao" or 
"Bud-hail", ^astra. This work he entrusted to three or four of 
his cleverest disciples, telling them to use his unrecognized learn- 
ing, and this treatise, to bring down the old man Vasubandhu 
from the preeminenee of fame which he had monopolized. At 
this time Vasubandhu, at the height of his fame, was in Sakala 
the capital of Cheika; and thither Sanghabhadra and his chief 
disciples proceed with the view of meeting him. But Vasubandhu 
learning that Sanghabhadra was on the way to have a discussion 
with him, hastily packed up and went off with his disciples. To 
these he excused his conduct by alleging his age and infirmities, 
and he added that he wished to allure Sanghabhadra to Mid- 
India where the Buddhist pundits would shew the oharater of 
his doctrines. Sanghabhadra arrived at the monastery at Mati- 
pur the day after Vasubandhu had left it, and here he sickened 
and died. On his deathbed he wrote a letter of regret and apo- 
logy to Vasubandhu, and entrusted it, with his treatise, to one of 
bis disciples. "When the letter and book were delivered to Vasu- 
bandhu with Sanghabhadra's dying request, he was moved and 
read them through. He then told his disciples that Sanghab- 
hadra's treatise though not perfect in doctrine was well written, 
that it would be an easy matter for him to refute it, but that 
out of regard for the dying request of the author, and as the 
work expounded the views of those whom he (Vasubandhu) follow- 
ed, he would leave the work as it was only giving it a new name. 
This name was "Shun-cheng-li-lun", the Sastra which accords 
with orthodox principles (Nyayanusara-sastra). The tope erected 
over Sanghabhadra's relics, in a mango grove to the north-east 
of the monastery, was still in existence. 

The above passage has been condensed from Yuan- 
chuang's text and the reader will observe that; according 


to Yuan-chuang's information, Sanghabhadra was not, as 
Taranatha represents him, the master of Vasubandhu. 
He is rather the young Doctor in Philosophy who is pre- 
sumptuous enough to take up arms against the great chief 
renowned far and wide as peerless in dialectics. There is 
nothing in the text to shew that he and Vasubandhu were 
personal acquaintances, or that they ever met. So also in 
the Life of Vasubandhu the two men are apparently un- 
known to each other, and never meet.^ Then as to the 
"Abhidharma-ko^a-Sastra" it will be remembered that accor- 
ding to Yuan-chuang it was composed by Vasubandhu in 
Purushapur of Gandhara, and this does not agree with 
the account in the Life of Vasubandhu. Yuan-chuang 
also tells us, and the statement has been often repeated, 
that Vasubandhu composed this treatise in order to refute 
the Vaibhashikas. But, as has been stated already, this 
is not correct.2 The original verses were compiled by 
him as a Sarvastivadin Vaibhashika, and the Commentary, 
still mainly Vaibhashika, gives a development to certain 
questions from the Sautrantika point of view. 

As to the treatise which Sanghabhadra wrote to demo- 
lish the Abhidharma-ko^a according to Yuan-chuang the 
original title is given in the text as Koia-hail-lun. In the 
name "Abhidharma-ko^a-Sastra" the word koSa is used in 
the sense of a bud, the verses being buds in which were 
folded the flowers of Buddhist metaphysics awaiting deve- 
lopment. So the Ko^a-pao-lun, or Bud-hail-treatise, is to 
be understood as the work which was to spoil all the hope 
and promise of the Koia. Vasubandhu, Yuan-chuang tells 
us, changed the name to "Shun-cheng-li-lun" the "Sastra 
which follows Right Principles", and the Life of Vasubandhu 
gives the title as "Sui-shih-lun" or the "^astra which 
follows the True". These names are probably only diffe- 
rent renderings of a name like Nyayanusara- or Anusara- 
^astra. But the story about the "Bud-hail" title must be 

' Vasubandhu- chuan (No. 1463). 
2 See oh. VI. p. 

VniALA-MITEA. 327 

discarded as the work itself shews that the author intended 
the title to be something likeNyayanusara-^astra. Moreover 
in his subsequent treatise abridged from this he calls his 
large work "Shun-cheng-li-lun".* "With the wicked title 
should go the statements about the author writing the 
book in a spirit of envious hostility against Vasubandhu. 
Nothing of this appears in the treatise; and on the con- 
trary, as Vasubandhu stated, the work developes the views 
of Vasubandhu and those whom he followed. In its ob- 
servations on the verses of the original treatise it some- 
times uses the words of Vasubandhu's own commentary. 
The work condemns as heterodox certain opinions ascribed 
to the Sthaviras and the Sutra-lords (Ching-chu), but Vasu- 
bandhu is not mentioned by name. Taranatha mentions 
a treatise called "Abhidharmako^abhashyatlka-tattva" which 
he ascribes to Sthiramati Another name for it is given 
as the "Thunder-bolt", 2 and it is perhaps not impossible 
that this may be the "Bud-hail" treatise ascribed by Yuan- 
chuang to Sanghabhadra. 

The pilgrim's narrative proceeds to relate that beside the mango 
plantation which contained Sanghabhadra's tope was another tope 
erected over the remains of a Sastra-Master named Yimala-mitra. 
This man, who was a native of Kashmir and an adherent of the 
Sarvata school, having made a profound study of canonical and 
heterodox scriptures, had travelled in India to learn the mysteries 
of the Tripitaka. Having gained a name, and finished his studies, 
he was returning to his home, and had to pass Sanghabhadra's 
tope on the way. At this place he sighed over the premature 
death of that great Master under whom he had studied. He 
lamented also that Vasubandhu's teaching was still in vogue, and 
he expressed his determination to write a refutation of the Maha- 
yana system, and to efface the name of Vasubandhu. But he in- 

> Abhidharma-tsang-hsien-tsung-lun (No. 1266). The word tsanff 
in this title is evidently a translation of koia and not of pitaka. In 
the name of the original treatise the word Tcoia has been explained 
as meaning not only hud but also core, sheath, integument, and other 
things. Sanghabhadra, however, does not seem to have taken the 
word in the sense of hvd either in the Anusara-sastra or in this 

2 Tar. S. 130 note, and S. 319 and note. 


stantly became delirious, five tongues emerged from his mouth, 
and his life-blood gushed forth. He had time to repent, and to 
warn his disciples; but he died and went, according to an arhat, 
to the Hell which knows no intermission. At the time of his 
death there was an earthquake, and a cavity was formed in the 
ground at the spot where he died. His associates cremated the 
corpse, collected the bones, and erected a memorial (that is, the 
tope) over them. 

It is unusual for a tope to be erected in memory of a 
man reputed to have gone to Hell, and a Chinese annotator 
has suggested that stupa here is a mistake for ti (J|fc) 
meaning "place". But the correction is not necessary, as 
the tope was erected by the personal friends of Vimala- 
mitra, who did not think he had gone to Hell. As this 
man's dead body was cremated it seems strange that the 
arhat should have declared he had gone down into the 
Avichi Hell. It was evidently not the human being Vimala- 
mitra who had so descended, but his alter ego, the embo- 
died karma which had been formed and accumulated in 
successive births. 

From the Life we learn that the pilgrim remained 
several months in this district studying Grunaprabha's Pien- 
chen-lun or "Tattvasande^a sastra", already mentioned, and 
other Abhidharma commentaries. He also met here the 
Bhadanta Mi-to-se-na, that is Mitasena (or Mitrasena), 
ninety years old who had been a disciple of Gu^aprabha 
and was a profound scholar in Buddhist learning. 

In the north-west of Matipur, Yuan-chuang proceeds to relate, 
on the east side of the Ganges was the city Mo-yii-lo (or Ma- 
yura) above twenty li in circuit. It had a large population and 
streams of clear water: it produced bell-metal {tfu-shiKj, rock- 
crystal, and articles of jewelry. Near the city and close to the 
Ganges was a, large Deva-Temple of many miracles, and in its 
inclosure was a tank the banks of which were faced with stone 
slabs, the tank being fed by an artificial passage from the Ganges. 
This was called the Ganges-Gate and it was a place for making 
religious merit and extinguishing guilt: there were constantly 
many thousands of people from distant regions assembled here 
bathing. Pious kings erected Punyasalas in the district for the 
free distribution of dainty food and medical requisites to the 
kinless and friendless. 


The "Ganges-Gate" of this passage is said to be the Gan- 
gadvara of Indian writers, the modem Hardwar (or Hari- 
dvar), the "Source of the Ganges" already mentioned. As 
Yuan-ohuang apparently did not go to Mayura, we should 
perhaps regard him as writing about Gangadvara only 
from information given to him by others. Cunningham 
thinks that this Mayura "must be the present ruined site 
of Mayapura, at the head of the Ganges canal".' But 
Mo-yii'lo cannot be taken as a transcription of Mayapura, 
and this town was on the west side of the Ganges whereas 
Mo-yU'lo (Mayura) was on the east side of that river. 

Our pilgrim proceeds to relate that /going north "from this" 
above 300 li he came to the P-o-lo-hih-mo-pu-lo country. This 
was more than 4000 li in circuit, with mountains on all sides, 
its capital being above twenty li in circuit. It had a rich flour- 
ishing population, and a fertile soil with regular crops: it yield- 
ed bell-metal (t^u-shih) and rock-crystal: the climate was coldish: 
the people had rough ways: they cared little for learning and 
pursued gain. There were five Buddhist monasteries, but there 
were very few Brethren: there were above ten Deva-Temples 
and the sectarians lived pell-mell. 

The P^o-lo-hih-mo-pu-lo of this passage has been restored 
by Julien, who here transliterates F^o-lo-M-mo, as Brahma- 
pura; and the restoration, said by Cunningham to be correct, 
has been generally accepted. Although P'o-lo-hih-mo is 
not the usual transcription for Brahma, we may perhaps 
regard these sounds as standing here for this word. Brahma- 
pura is the name of a city which is in the north-east 
division of the Bphat Samhita^, but in our author it is 
the name of a country. Cunningham, who treats the north 
of our text as a mistake for north-east, finds the country 
in "the districts of Garhwal and Kumaon".s It is not very 
clear whether the pilgrim meant us to understand that he 
started on his /•journey to this country from Mayura, or 
from Matipura. The Fang-Chih took the former as the 

< A. G. I. p. 351. 

2 Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 172. 

3 A. G. I. p. 355. 


starting-place, but it is perhaps better to regard Matipur 
as the "this" of the text from which the pilgrim goes north 
300 li. This construction is in agreement with the Life 
which has no mention of Mayura. 

To the north of this country (Brahmapura), and in the Great 
Snow Mountains, was the Suvarnagotra country. The superior 
gold which it produced gave the country its name. This was 
the "Eastern Woman's Country" (that is, of the Chinese) so called 
because it was ruled by a succession of women. The husband 
of the queen was king, but he did not administer the govern- 
ment. The men attended only to the suppression of revolts and 
the cultivation of the fields. This country reached on the east 
to T'u-fan (Tibet), on the north to Khoten, and on the west to 
San-p'o-ha (Malasa). 

The Suvarnagotra country of this passage is perhaps 
the Suvarnabhu or Gold-region in the north-east division 
of the Brihat-Sanhita, which Kern regards as "in all likeli- 
hood a mythical land".* Our pilgrim was taught to iden- 
tify this district with the "Eastern "Woman's-Country" of 
his countrymen, which is undoubtedly a mythical region. 
Further the situation of the Eastern "Woman's Country is 
far away from the region in which Yuan-chuang places 
his Suvarnagotra. This name is translated properly in a 
note to the text by "the Golds" that is, the Gold family, 
but the author evidently regarded the name as meaning 
"the land of gold". 


From Matipur the pilgrim continued his journey, he goes on 
to state, travelling south-.east for above 400 H to the country of 
Ku-p'i-shuanff(oT sang)-na. This country was above 2000 li in 
circuit; and its capital, which was 14 or 15 li in circuit, was a 
natural stronghold. There was a flourishing population: every- 
where was a succession of blooming woods and tanks: the cli- 
mate and natural products were the same as those of Matipur. 
The people had honest sincere ways, they applied themselves to 
learning and were fond of religious merit: most of them 
were non-Buddhists, and sought the joys of this life. There 

<■ Ind. Ant. Yol. XXII. p. 190. 


were two Buddhist monasterieB with above' 100 Brethren all Hina- 
yaniets. Of Deva-Temples there were above 80, and the secta- 
rians lived pell-meU. Close to the capital was an old monastery 
in which was an Asoka tope to mark the spot at which the 
Buddha preached for a month on religious essentials. Beside 
this were sites of the sitting places and exercise grounds of the 
Four Past Buddhas, and two topes with hair and nail relics of 
the Julai. 

For the Ku-p^i-sang-na of our pilgrim's text Julien 
suggests Govisana as a possible restoration, and Saint- 
Martin proposes Govisana, but a word like Govisanna 
would be nearer the Chinese sounds. Cunningham thinks 
that the capital of this country was on the site of "the 
old fort near the village of Ufain which is just one mile 
to the east of the modern Kashipur". The country he 
thinks, "must have corresponded very nearly to the modem 
districts of Kashipur, Rampur, and Pilibhit". ' The Pang- 
chih here agrees with the Records, but the Life does not 
mention the journey from Matipur to Govisana. 

For the words "religious essentials" in the penultimate sen- 
tence of the above passage the original is chu-fa-yao (^ 
f^ ^), which may also be translated "the essentials of 
things". These words are rendred by Julien — "les verites 
les plus essentielles de la loi". 


From Govisana, ottr pilgrim proceeds to tell us, he travelled 
south-east above 400 li, and came to the country which he calls 
Ngo(or Oyhi-ch'i-ta lo. This country was above 3000 li in cir- 
cuit: its capital, which was in a strong position, was 17 or 18 li 
in circuit. The country yielded grain, and had many woods and 
springs, and a genial climate. The people were honest in their 
ways, they studied abstract truth {tao ^) and were diligent in 
learning, with much ability and extensive knowledge. There 
were above ten Buddhist Monasteries, and more than 1000 Brethren 
students of the Sammitiya School of the Einayana. Deva-Temples 
were nine in number, and there were above 300 professed ad- 
herents of the other systems Fasqpatas who worshipped Is vara 
(Siva). At the side of a Dragon Tank outside the capital was 

1 A. G. I. p. 357. , 

332 VIIiA^ANA. 

an Asoka tope where the Ju-lai preached to the Dragon for 
seven days. Beside it were four small 'topes at the sitting and 
exercise places of the Four Fast Buddhas. 

The first character for the name of the country here 
describe'd is written ^ in some texts and ^ in others, 
and the sound of these characters is given as Ngo or wo, 
or or yo. In the Life this syllable is omitted and the 
name is ^iven as Hi-ch'i-ta-lo, apparently by mistake 
although it seems to be the reading of all the texts. The 
Life also makes the pilgrim go from Brahmapura south- 
east above 400 li to this country. Julien restores the 
name in our text as Ahikshetra, but the characters seem 
to require a word like Ahichitra. Cunningham adopts the 
account in the Records and writes the name Ahichatra 
which, he says, is still preserved although the place has 
been deserted for many centuries. The district of Ahichatra, 
he believes, occupied the eastern part of Rohilkhand.* 


From Ahichitra, the pilgrim tells us, he went south (according 
to the other texts but according to D, east) about 260 li and 
crossing the Ganges went to the south (or according to the 
B text, south-west) into the P-i-lo-shan-na country. This was above 
2000 li in circuit and its capital above ten li in circuit. It re- 
sembled Ahichitra in climate and products. The people were 
mainly non-Buddhists, a few reverencing Buddhism. There were 
two Buddhist Monasteries with 300 Brethren all Mahayana stu- 
dents. There were five Deva-Temples and the sectarians lived 
pell-mell. In the capital was an old monastery within the in- 
closure of which stood an Asoka tope at the pilgrim's time. in 
ruins. It was here that the Buddha delivered daring seven days 
the sutra called yim-chie-ch'u-ching '(0 -^ ^ 3^)- By its side 
were vestiges of the sitting and exercise places of the Four Past 

The name of the country here described is restored by 
Julien tentatively as ViraSana, but it may have been some- 
thing like VilaSana or Bhilasana. PH-lo-shan-na (Bjf- ^ Ifll) |^) 
is the reading in the A, B, and C texts of the Records, 

1 A. G. I. p. 359. 

SAK£ASSA. 333 

and in the Fang-chih, but in the D text of the Records 
and in the Life the reading is F'i-lo-na(^)-na which may 
be for a word like Bhiladana. 

Cunningham identifies the capital of the P'i-lo-shan-na 
of our text with "the great mound of ruins called Atranji- 
hhera which is situated on the right or west bank of the 
Kali Nadi, four miles to the south oi Karsdna, and eight 
miles to the north of Eyta, on the Grand Trunk Road".* 

The name of the sutra which the pilgrim says the Buddha 
delivered at the capital of this country is given as yun- 
chie-chcu-ching. This means "the stitra of the place of the 
elements of the skandha'V and it may represent a Sanskrit 
name like Skandhadhatusthana sutra (B. Nanjio suggests 
"Skandhadhatuupasthana sutra"), the ".sutra of the basis 
of the elements of phenomena", that is, of the senses and 
their objects. No sutra with a name like this seems to 
be known to the collections of Buddhist scriptures, and 
the Fang-chih merely states that the Buddha preached 
for seven days "the dharma of the elements of the skandha". 


From P'i-lo-shan-na, the narrative proceeds, a journey of above 
200 li south-east brought the pilgrim to the Kah-pi-Pa (Kapitha) 
country. This was more than 2000 li, and its capital above twenty 
U in circuit: the climate and products of the district were like 
those of P'i-lo-shan-na. There were four Buddhist monasteries 
(that is perhaps, at the capital) and above 1000 Brethren all of 
the Sammatiya School. The Deva-Temples were ten in number 
and the non-Buddhists, who lived pell-mell, were Saivites. 

Above twenty li east (according to the A, B, and texts, but 
in the D text, west) from the capital was a large monastery of 
fine proportions and perfect workmanship: its representations 
of Buddhist worthies were in the highest style of ornament. 
The monastery contained some hundreds of Brethren, all of the 
Sammatiya School, and beside it lived their lay dependents some 
myriads in number. Within the enclosing wall of the monastery 
were Triple stairs of precious substances in a row south to north, 
and sloping down to east, where the Julai descended from the 

1 A. G. I. p. 365. 


Tayastimsa Heaven. The Ju-lai had ascended from Jetavana to 
Heaven and there lodged in the "Good-Law-Hall" where he had 
preached to his mother: at the end of three months he was 
about to descend. Then Indra by his divine power set up triple 
stairs of precious substances, the middle one of gold, the left 
one of crystal, and the right one of silver. The Buddha descend- 
ed on the middle stair, Brahma holding a white whisk came 
down with him on the right stair and Indra holding up a jeweled 
sunshade descended on the left stair, while devas in the air 
scattered flowers and praised the Buddha. These stairs survived 
until some centuries before the pilgrim's time when they sank 
out of sight: then certain kings on the site of the original stairs 
set up the present ones of brick and stone adorned with precious 
substances and after the pattern of the original stairs. The pre- 
sent stairs were above 70 feet high with a Buddhist temple on 
the top in which was a stone image of the Buddha, and images 
of Brahma and Indra were at the top of the right and left stairs 
respectively and these images like the originals appeared to be 

By the side of these was an Asoka stone-piUar of a lustrous 
violet colour and very hard with a crouching lion on the top 
facing the stairs: quaintly carved figures were on each side of 
the j)iHar, and according to one's bad or good deserts figures 
appeared to him in the pillar. Not far from the Stairs was a 
tp^e where the Four PastBuddhas had sat and walked up and 
down: beside it was a tope where the Ju-lai had taken a bath: 
beside this was a Buddhist temple where the Julai had gone into 
eamadhi. Beside the temple was a large stone platform 50 paces 
long and seven feet high where the Julai had walked up and 
down, all his footsteps having the tracery of a lotus-flower: and 
on both sides of it were small topes erected by Indra and Brahma. 
In front was the place where the bhikshuni Lotus flower-colour 
(Uttpalavarni) wishing to be first to see the Buddha on his de- 
scent from Heaven transformed herself into a universal sovereign. 
At the same time Subhuti sitting meditating on the vanity of 
things beheld the spiritual body of Buddha. The Julai told Ut- 
palavarna that she had not been the first to see him for Subhiiti 
contemplating the vanity of things had preceded her in seeing 
his spiritual body. The Buddha's exercise platform was enclosed 
by a wall and had a large tope to the south-east of which was 
a tank the dragon of which protected the sacred traces from 
wanton injury. 
The Life • gives the direction in which the pilgrim tra- 
velled from Pi-lo-shan-na to Kah-pi-Pa as east instead of 
the souh-east of our text, but this may be a slip, the dis- 

SANKA8SA. 335 

tance between the places being the same in the two 

Our pilgrim's Kah-pi-t'a has naturally been restored as 
Kapitha, and we may retain the restoration for the pre- 
sent, although the word seems to be otherwise unknown. 
The transcription may, however, be for Kalpita, a word 
which has, with other meanings, that of "set ih order". It 
was perhaps this name which the translator of a sutra 
had before him when he gave An-hsiang-Jiui (^ pf- f), 
"Orderly arranged Meeting" as the name of the place of 
the Buddha's descent, i A note to our text here tells us 
that the old name of Kapitha was Seng-Jca-she (ff^ jjg ■^). 
This is a transcription of the name which is given as 
Sanka^ya or Sangka^ya (in Pali, Sankassa). It is the San- 
kasa of some, the Sakaspura of Spence Hardy, and the 
modern Sankisa.2 The name SankaSya or a variety of it 
seems to have been generally employed by the Buddhist 
writers of India, and the translators into Chinese and 
Tibetan usually contented themselves with transcriptions 
of the original. Another name for the place of the Buddha's 
Descent is that used in the Itinerary of Wu-k'ung. There 
it is designated M-fo-wa-io (-^ p||; |^ 5), a puzzling word 
which the translators have taken to stand for the Sanskrit 
Devavatara.3 This is doubtless correct, and the district 
obtained the name Devavatara or Devatavatara^iam, in 
Chinese Pien-hsia-chHi (% f ^)*, "Place of Devas' De- 
scent", because Brahma, Indra, and hosts of inferior devas 
here appeared descending to earth with the Buddha. But 
as this name was not Buddhistic in appearance, the Deva 

1 Po-shuo-yi-tsu-ching, ch. 2 (No. 674). But the Kah-pi-fa of our 
text may be the Eapisthala of the Brihat sanhita which the author 
of that work places in Madhyadesa-see Ind. Ant Vol. XXII p. 180 
and Alberuni I. p. 300. 

2 For Sakaspura and the Cingalese version of the visit to Heaven 
and descent therefrom see M. B. p. 308. For Sankisa see A. G. I. 
p. 368. 

3 Shih-li-ohing: J. A. T. VI. p. 358. 

♦ Divyav. p. 160: Tsa-a-han-ching, ch. 19. 

336 SAKEA8SA. 

or Devata was probably dropt in popular use, and the 
name Avataranam employed to denote the Buddha's De- 
scent. M' Eockhill's Tibetan text in his Life of Buddha 
relates that Buddha descended to "the foot of the Udum- 
bara tree of the Avadjaravana (sic) of the town of Sam- 
kaSya".! Here the Tibetan probably wrote Avajaravana 
by a slip for Avataravana or Avataranam. 

From a curious little sutra^ we learn that there had 
once been at the place afterwards called Sankasya an old 
chaitya (or tope), built in honour of Ka^yapa Buddha by 
his father, and called Seng-ka-shih (Sankasya). Before the 
time of Gautama Buddha, however, this chaitya had sunk 
down until it was all underground. When the Buddha 
descended from Heaven at this place, he caused the Chaitya 
to emerge above ground as a memorial of his return to 
earth. Afterwards it was found that the chaitya as it 
stood interfered with the traffic of the city, and so the 
king ordered it to be demolished. But during the night 
the chaitya left its site to the north of the city, and passed 
over the city to a spot in a wood about twenty li south 
of it. The chaitya of this sutra is elsewhere a temple; 
and is described as the model for the one which five kings 
on Buddha's suggestion erected near its site.s This temple, 
called the Gods' or Kings' Temple, was erected as a me- 
morial of the Buddha's Descent, and was probably the 
temple of our pilgrim's description. In the old sutra, it 
will be observed, the chaitya of Ka^yapa Buddha is called 
Sankasya, and this name is transferred to the city. As 
such the name is interpreted in another work as meaning 
Icuang-ming (^ 0)^) or "brightness", "clearness",* and this 
may indicate a reference to the legend of the chaitya of 
Kasyapa Buddha. 

The story of Gautama Buddha leaving Jetavana for the 

1 Kockhill Life p. 81. 

2 Fo-shuo-ku-shu-ching (# ^ ^ iH W' 

3 Tseng-yi-a-han-ching, ch. 28. 
* A-yii-wang-ching, ch. 3. 


Trayastrim^a Heaven, spending there the three months of 
Retreat expounding his religion to his mother and the 
devas, and of his glorious descent to earth again, is refer- 
red to in many Chinese Buddhist books, and with only few 
serious variations of detail. In some works the place of 
descent is near a sand, or a large tank, outside of San- 
kaiya city^, and here the "tank" of the translation may 
represent avatdra in the original, this word having also 
the meaning of tank or pond. In some treatises the scene 
of the Descent is at Kanyakubja, which is placed in the 
SankaSya country by one authority, and in the Andhra 
country by another*. The Tope of the Descent was the 
fifth of the Eight Great Topes connected with the Buddha's 
career, and it was at Kanyakubja. Wu-K'ung went to 
Devavatara to see this tope, but neither Fa-hsien' nor our 
pilgrim makes any mention of a great tope in their de- 
scriptions of the sights of the place, although Yuan-chuang, 
as we have seen, incidentally mentions a "great tope" 

The legend of the bhikshuni Utpalavarna making herself 
a magic Chakravarti, or Universal Sovereign, by which to 
be the first to greet Buddha on his descent; and her re- 
buke by the latter, who told her that Subhuti, seeing the 
spiritual body of Buddha, had been before her, is in several 
Buddhist works. But it is not in the account of the 
Descent given in the Tsa-a-han-ching, and in another treat- 
ise we have the bhikshuni, but Subhiiti is not mentioned 
by name. The words "transformed herself" in the state- 
ment that the nun "tranpformed herself into a Chakravarti" 
are for the terms hua-tso (-ft f^) and hua-wei (>f^ ^) of 
the text. But the former, which is apparently taken from 
the Eo-kuo-chi or some other work, means create or pro- 
duce the appearance of iy magic. Utpalavarna was an 

' A-yii-wang-ohuan, eh. 2; Tseng-yi-a-han-ching, 1. c. 
J Ta-sheng-pen-sheng-hsin-ti-kuan-ohing, ch, 1 (No. 955); Pa-ta- 
ling-t'a-ming-hao-ching (No. 898). 
' See Fo-kuo-chi, ch. 17. 



arhat, and so had supernormal powers. She thus, accord- 
ing to various accounts, produced the appearance of a 
chakravarti with his seven treasures, 1000 sons, and fourfold 
army, and transferring herself into her own magic Chakra- 
varti, obtained the foremost place in front of the actual 
kings and all the crowd assembled to welcome Buddha.' 
Subhuti at this time was sitting, according to Yuan-chuang, 
in a cave (that is, on the Gridhrakuta mountain near Raja- 
gaha), but another version makes him to be in his own 
house. Knowing that the Buddha was coming down from 
Heaven he reflected on the vanity of phenomena, and rea- 
lizing in 'himself the nature of phenomena, he beheld, by 
the vision of spiritual wisdom, the spiritual body of Buddha, 
that is, the transcendental philosophy of Prajnaparamita. 
The Utpalavarna (in Pali, Uppalavanna) of this passage 
was one of the greatest and most noted of the bhikshunis 
ordained by the Buddha. Her life as a laywoman had 
been extremely unhappy and, according to some legends, 
very immoral. She had two experiences which were 
especially distressing and produced on her a profound 
effect leading her, according to one account, to renounce 
the world. While living with her first husband she found 
him living in adultery with her mother, and her second 
husband brought home, as his concubine, her daughter by 
her first husband. Each of these experiences pierced 
her with sharp agony; and she left her home for ever. 2 
When' she became converted, and was admitted into the 
Buddhist church as a bhikshuni, she devoted herself to 
religion with enthusiasm, and attained arhatship. But 

1 Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch. 10, Ta-Bheng-tsao-hsiang-kung-te-ching, ch. 1 
(No. 288). 

» Mi-sa-aai-lu, ch. 4 (No. 1122); Tib. Tales p. 206. A very differ- 
ent accoant of this lady's admission into his church by the Buddha 
is given in the Fa-ohii-pi-yu-ching, ch. 1 (No. 1353) where she is 
called simply Lien-hua or Utpala. For the previous existences of 
Uppalavanna see Dr Bode's "Woman Leaders of the Buddhist B,efor- 
mation'' in J. R. A. S. for 1893 p. 532. For her misfortunes see 
also Theri-Gatha p. 144 and p. 198 (P. T. S.). 

SUBHtJTI. 339 

even as a nun she was put to shame and had trouble. And 
her death was sad, for she was brutally attacked by Deva- 
datta and died from the injuries inflicted by him.* Her 
name "Blue lotus colour" may have been given to her, as 
some suppose, because she had eyes like the blue lotus; 
but it is also said to have been indicative of her great 
personal beauty, or of the sweet perfume which her body 

Subhviti is interpreted as meaning "Excellent Manifes- 
tation" which is Yuan-chuang's translation, or "Excellent 
good auspices", and is rendered in several other ways. It 
was the name of the Disciple who is sometimes mentioned 
along with Mahaka^yapa, Aniruddha and other great dis- 
ciples of the Buddha.2 But he is best known as the ex- 
ponent and defender of the doctrines of Prajnaparamita. 
He was a son of a learned brahmin of Sravasti, and was 
educated in the orthodox learning. Afterwards he became 
a hermit, and then was converted to Buddhism and ordained. 3 

> Sar. Vin. P'o-seng-Bhih, ch. 10 (No. 1123). 

^ Divyav. p. 361 ; Saddharmapundarika, ch^. 1 and 4. 

3 Bud. Lit. Nep. p. 296; Ching-iu-yi-hsiang, ch. 13 (No. 1473). 





From the neighbourhood of Sankasya the pilgrim went north- 
west for nearly 200 li to the Ka-no-ku-she (Kanyakubja) country. 
This he describes as being above 4000 li in circuit. The capital, 
which had the Ganges on its west side, was above twenty li in 
length by four or five li in breadth; it was very strongly de- 
fended and had lofty structures everywhere ; there were beautiful 
gardens and tanks of clear water, and in it rarities from strange 
lands were collected. The inhabitants were well off and there 
were families with great wealth; fruit and flowers were abund- 
ant, and sowing and reaping had their seasons. The people 
had a refined appearance and dressed in glossy silk attire; they 
were given to learning and the arts, and were clear and sug- 
gestive in discourse; they were equally divided between ortho- 
doxy and heterodoxy. There were above 100 Buddhist monasteries 
with more than 10,000 Brethren who were students of both the 
"Vehicles". There were more than 200 Deva-Temples and the 
non-Buddhists were several thousands in number. 

The reading "north-west" at the beginning of this pas- 
sage is that of the Oommon texts of the Records and Life; 
but the D text of the Records has "south-east". This 
agrees with Fa-hsien's narrative', confirms the correction 
proposed by Cunningham^, and, as Kanauj is to the south- 
east of Sankassa, is evidently the proper reading. Moreover 
in the itinerary of the Sung pilgrim Kanyakubja is two 
stages (ch^eng ^) to the east of Sankasya 3. Fa-hsien 

1 Fo-kuo-chi, ch. 18. 

2 Anc. Geog. Ind. p. 376. 
' Ma T. 1. ch. 338. 

KAirriKUBJA. 341 

makes the distance between these two places to be seven 
yojanas or above 40 miles and this agrees roughly with 
Yuan-chuang's 200 li. 

Yuan-chuang here gives to the capital and extends also 
to the country the correct name Ka-no-ku-she (^S ^ ^ ^) 
that is, Kanyakubja, while Fa-hsien, like some other wri- 
ters, gives the name which was probably in use among 
the natives, 7iz. Ka-nao-yi or Kanoyi, that is, the modern 
Kanauj (or Kanoj). Another transcription of the classical 
name is Kan-na-ku-po-she (fj| ^ ^ J^| f^) which, is wrongly 
translated by erh-ck'a (J|l {f[) or "Ear-emanation". In a 
note to our text the name is properly rendered by "Hunch- 
backed maidens", the translation which the pilgrim uses, 
and the story of the origin of the name is related by the 

According to this story long ages ago when Brahmadatta was 
king, and men lived very many years the name of the city was 
Kusumapura (that is, Flower-Palace or city). King Brahma- 
datta was a mighty sovereign and a great warrior; he had also 
the full number of 1000 sons wise and valorous and 100 fair and 
virtuous daughters. On the bank of the Ganges there lived at 
this time a rishi the years of whose life were to be counted by 
myriads; he was popfflarly called the "Great-Tree-Rishi", because 
he had a banyan tree growing from his shoulders; the seed of 
the tree had been dropt on him by a bird, had taken root and 
grown to be a huge tree in -which birds had been building theit 
nests while the rishi remained unconscious in a trance of pro- 
longed absorbed meditation (samadhi). When he had emerged 
from the trance, and moved about, he had glimpses of the king's 
daughters as they chased each other in the wood near the river. 
Then carnal affection laid hold on him, and he demanded of the 
king one of his daughters in marriage. But all the |irincesses 
refused to wed "Great-Tree-Rishi", and the king was in great 
fear and distress. In this extremity, however, the youngest 
daughter made a sacrifice of herself by offering to marry the 
rishi in order to save her father and country from the effects of 
his displeasure. But when the circumstances were told to him 
the old rishi was very much enraged at the other princesses for 
not appreciating him properly, and he cursed them with imme- 
diate crookedness. In consequence of this the ninety nine jirin- 
cesses all became bowed in body, and the capital of the country 
was henceforth known as the city of the Hunch-backed Maidens. 


This is a very silly story which probably has a good 
moral. The brahmins, it will be remembered, have a similar 
story to account for the name of the city of Kanauj. They 
relate that Vayu, the Wind-god, also called a rishi, be- 
came enamoured of the 100 daughters of Ku^anabha, king 
of this country. The princesses refused to comply with 
the god'^ lustful desires, and he in his ire made them all 
back-bowed, and from this circumstance the city got its 
name Kanyakubja.^ Another name for the district or 
country is Mahodayd, explained as meaning "the land of 
great prosperity". It is sometimes described as being in 
the Andhra country, as we have seen, and it is also said 
to be in the middle of India, in Madhyade^a. 

It will be seen that in the description which Yuan- 
chuang gives of . Kanyakubja in the above passage he 
represents the Ganges as being on its west side. Cunning- 
ham makes him place that river on the east side, but this 
is a mistake. Other old authorities place the Ganges 
on the east side of Kanauj, where it still is. The city is 
also described as being on the Kali-nadi an affluent of 
the Ganges on its west side. Fa-hsien merely describes 
the capital as reaching to the Ganges; but this evidently 
was not on the west side, as he tells of a tope on the 
north bank of the river about six li to the west of the 

Our pilgrim here gives the number of Buddhist esta- 
blishments in and about the capital as 100. This number 
seems to point to a great increase of Buddhism in the 
district from the time of Fa-hsien, as when that pilgrim 
visited the Kanauj country there were apparently only two 
Buddhist monasteries at the capital. The "non-Buddhists", 
or yi-tao (^ Jg), of our pilgrim who meet us so often in 
the Records, were evidently the priests or other professed 
ministers of the various non-Buddhist systems of religion. 
These must have increased and Buddhists decreased at 
Kanyakubja after our pilgrim's time, as when the Sung 

1 Dowson's CI. Diet. Ind. Myth. a. v. Vayu. 


pilgrim visited the district he found topes and temples 
numerous but there were no monks or nuns. 

We have next an account of the sovereign ruling at 
Kanauj and his origin. 

This sovereign was of the Yaisya caste, his personal name was 
Harshavardhana, and he was the younger son of the great king 
whose name was Frahhakaravardhana. When the latter died he 
was succeeded on the throne by his elder son named Raja- 
(or Bajya) vardhana. The latter soon after his accession was 
treacherously murdered by Sasangka, the wicked king of Karna- 
suvarna in East India, a persecutor of Buddhism. Hereupon the 
statesmen of Kanauj, on the advice of their leading man Bani 
(or Vani), invited Harshavardhana, the younger brother of the 
murdered kiiig, to become their sovereign. The prince modestly 
made excuses, and seemed unwilling to comply with their request. 

When the ministers of state pressed Harshavardhana to succeed 
his brother and avenge his murder, the narrative goes on to 
relate, the prince determined to take the advice of the Bodhi- 
sattva Avalokitesvara (whose name is here given correctly in 
translation Kuan-tzu-tsai, the "Beholding Lord"). An image of 
this Bodhisattva, which had made many spiritual manifestations, 
stood in a, grove of this district near the Ganges. To this he 
repaired; and after due fasting and prayer, he stated his case to 
the Bodhisattva. An answer was graciously given which told 
the prince that it was his good karma to become king, and that 
he should, accordingly, accept the offered sovereignty and then 
raise Buddhism from the ruin into which it had been brought 
by the king of Karnasuvarna, and afterwards make himself a 
great kingdom. The Bodhisattva promised him secret help, but 
warned him not to occupy the actual throne, and not to use the 
title Maharaja. Thereupon Harshavardhana became king of 
Eanauj with the title Bajaputra and the style Slladitya. 

Continuing his narrative the pilgrim goes on to state that as 
soon as Slladitya became ruler he got together a great army, 
and set out to avenge his brother's murder and to reduce the 
neighbouring countries to subjection. Proceeding eastwards he 
invaded the states which had refused allegiance, and waged in- 
cessant warfare until in six years he had fought the Five Indias 
(reading chil }£. According to the other reading ch'en ^, 
had brought the Five Indias under allegiance). Then having en- 
larged his territory he increased his army, bringing the elephant 
corps up to 60,000 and the cavalry to 100,000, and reigned in 
peace for thirty years without raising a weapon. He was just 
in his administration, and punctilious in the discharge of his 


duties. He forgot sleep and food in his devotion to good works. 
He caused the use of animal food to cease throughout the Five 
Indias, and he prohibited the taking of life under severe penal- 
ties. He erected thousands of topes on the banks of the Ganges, 
established Travellers Rests through all his dominions, and erec- 
ted Buddhist monasteries at sacred places of the Buddhists. He 
regularly held the Quinquennial Convocation ; and gave away in 
religious alms everything except the material of war. Once a 
year he summoned all the Buddhist monks together, and for 
twenty one days supplied them with the regulation requisites. 
He furnished the chapels and liberally adorned the common 
halls of the monasteries. He brought the Brethren together for 
examination and discussion, giving rewards and punishments 
according to merit and demerit. Those Brethren who kept the 
rules of their Order strictly and were thoroughly sound in theory 
and practice he "advanced to the Lion's Throne" (that is, pro- 
moted to the highest place) and from these he received religious 
instruction ; those who, though perfect' in the observance of the 
ceremonial code, were not learned in the past he merely honour- 
ed with formal reverence; those who neglected the ceremonial 
observances of the Order, and whose immoral conduct was noto- 
rious, were banished from his presence and from the country. 
The neighbouring princes, and the statesmen, who were zealous 
in good works, and unwearied in the search for moral excellence, 
he led to his own seat, and called "good friends", and he would 
not converse with those who were of a different character. The 
king also made visits of inspecticu throughout his dominion, not 
residing long at any place but having temporary buildings 
erected for his residence at each place of sojourn, and he did 
not go abroad during the three months of the B.ain-season 
Retreat. At the royal lodges every day viands were provided 
for 1000 Buddhist monks and 500 Brahmins. The king's day 
was divided into three periods, of which one was given up to 
affairs of government, and two were devoted to religious works. 
He was indefatigable, and the day was too short for him. 

Before proceeding to the next part of our pilgrim's nar- 
rative we may add a few notes to his very interesting 
account of the great Harshavardhana. At the beginning 
of the above passage we are told that this king was of 
the Fei-she (gJJ ^) or Vaisya caste (or stock). This state- 
ment Cunningham thinks is a mistake, the pilgrim confound- 
ing the Vaisa or Bais Rajputs with the Vaisya caste. Cun- 
ningham may be right. But we must remember that Yuan- 


chuang had ample opportunities for learning the ante- 
cedents of the royal family, and he must have had some 
ground for his assertion. Harshavardhana's father, Pra- 
bhakaravardhana, a descendant of Puspabhuti king of 
Sthane^vara in Srikantha, "was famed far and wide 
under a second name Pratapa^ila". To him were born 
two sons B,ajyavardhana and Harshavardhana and a 
daughter RajyaSrl, and he had also an adopted son Bhandi 
the son of his queen's brother*. The princess RajyaSri 
was evidently, as the "Harsa-carita" represents her, an in- 
telligent, accomplished lady, and she was apparently in- 
terested in Buddhism. She was present as a listener seated 
behind Harshavardhana when the Chinese pilgrim gave 
the latter a lecture on Buddhism. It may be noted here 
also that the Fang-chih represents Harshavardhana as 
"administering the government in conjunction with his 
widowed sister", a statement which is not, I think, either 
in the Life or the Records. Very soon after Rajyavardhana 
succeeded his father on the throne he had to go away to 
avenge the murder of his brother-in-law, and to rescue 
his sister imprisoned in Kanyakubja. He was successful 
in battle, but he fell into a snare laid for him by the 
Gauda king, according to the "Harsa-carita", and was 
treacherously murdered. Hereupon Harshavardhana became 
king, and at once proceeded to rescue his sister, take re- 
venge, and make great conquests. This is the Slladitya 
of our pilgrim's narrative and of the Life, a 'very inter- 
esting and remarkable personage. 

With Yuan-chuang's story of Harshavardhana going to 
consult Avalokitesvara we may compare the statement in 
the "Harsa-carita" that he "was embraced by the goddess 
of the Royal Prosperity, who took him in her arms and, 
seizing him by all the royal marks on all his limbs, for- 
ced him, however reluctant, to mount the throne, — and 
this though he had taken a vow of austerity and did not 
swerve from his vow, hard like grasping the edge of a 

1 Harsa-carita, ch. IV. (Oowell and Thomas tr.) 


sword".! It seems probable that Harshavardhana in the 
early part of his life had joined the Buddhist church and 
perhaps taken the vows of a bhikshu, or at least of a lay 
member of the Communion. His sister, we learn from the 
Life, had become an adherent, of the Sammatiya school 
of Buddhism. 2 Our pilgrim's sympathetic and generous 
praise of king Harshavardhana may be compared with 
the pompous, fulsome, and feigned panegyric of the king 
by Bana. 

In the above transcript from the Records the words 
rendered "reigned in peace for thirty years without raising 
a weapon" are in Julien's translation — "Au bout de trente 
ans, les armes se reposerent". The text is Ch'ui-san-shih- 
nien-ping-lco-pu-cli'i (S H + ^ :S :5c ^ ^)' Here the 
word ch'ui is employed; as frequently, to denote "don the 
imperial robe", that is, to reign gently and happily. Thus 
the pilgrim tells us that there were thirty years of ^ila- 
ditya's reign in which there were peace and good govern- 
ment. Our pilgrim has expressly stated that the king's 
conquests were completed within six years, and it is against 
text and context to make him represent the king as fight- 
ing continuously for thirty or thirty-six years. When his 
wars were over Siladitya (the style of Harshavardhana as 
king) proceeded to put his army on a peace footing, that 
is, to raise it to such a force that he could overawe any 
of the neighbouring states disposed to be contumacious. 
We shall presently see how a word from him was' enough 
for the king of one of those states. Having thus made 
himself strong and powerful Siladitya was able to live in 
peace, and devote himself to the duties and functions of a 
pious but magnificent sovereign. He was now as fond of 
the solemn pomps and grand processions of religion as 
he had been of the marshalling of vast hosts, the "magni- 
ficently stern array" of battle, and the glories of a great 

We find two dates given for the death of king Siladitya, 

' Harsa-carita, ch. IV. (Oowell and Thomas tr.) p. 67. 
' Life, ch. 5. 

THE lion's theonb. 347 

Chinese history placing it in the year A. D. 648 and the 
Life in 655 ^ Taking thirty-six years as the duration of 
his reign we thus have 612 or 619 as the date of his 
accession. The latter date agrees with a Chinese state- 
ment that the troubles in India which led to ^iladitya's 
reign took place in the reign of T'ang Kao Tsu (A. B. 618 
to 627). But the date 648, or rather 647, is perhaps the 
correct one. It must have been in 641 or 642 that, in 
conversation with our pilgrim, Slladitya stated that he had 
then been sovereign for above thirty years. This also 
gives 612 for the year of his accession, and the addition 
of six years to the thirty gives 648 as the date of his 
death. But the Chinese envoy despatched in the early 
part of that year found, on his arrival in the country, the 
king dead, and a usurper on the throne. Moreover it was 
in 648 that Yuan-chuang submitted his Records to T'ai 
Tsung, and ^iladitya must have been dead before this 
work was drawn up in its present form. ^ 

Por the words rendered in the above passage by "ad- 
vanced to the Lion's Throne" that is, promoted to be 
chief bhikshus, the Chinese is tui-sMng-shi-tzu-chih-tso 
(^ ^ g| ^ ;g, ^). This Julian understood to imean 
"caused them to go up on the throne". The words might 
probably have this meaning in other places, but no good 
bhikshu would mount a raja's throne, and it seems better 
to take shi-tgu-chih-tso here in its Buddhist sense as the 
throne of the head of the Order. The term, we know, does 
mean a king's throne, but Siladitya did not use a throne; 
and the other use of the term seems to be here more 
correct and suitable. The Lion's Throne of the Buddhists 
was originally the seat reserved for the Buddha, as leader 
of the congregation, in the chapels and Halls of the 
Monasteries; and afterwards it became the throne or seat 
of the chief bhikshu of a place. Promotion to the Lion's 
Throne was given locally by pious kings, and did not inter- 

1 See Ma T. 1., ch. 338; T'ung-chien-kang-mu, ch. 40 (T'ang T'ai 
Tsung Chen-kuan 22 y.); Life, ch. 5. 


fere with precedence among the Brethren. Here Sila- 
ditya promotes the most deserving bhikshus at his courts 
and makes them, his private cliaplains, personally receiving 
from them religious instruction.* 

By the term "good friend" shan-yu (^ ^), which the 
pilgrim here tells us was applied by the king to devout 
princes and statesmen, we are to understand the kalyana- 
mitra of Buddhist use. This term means good or auspi- 
cious friend, and it is also employed in the sense of spiri- 
tual adviser, or fjood counseller in matters of religion. 

Returning again to our text we have now an episode 
which belongs to a date five or six years later than the 
visit of which the pilgrim is here telling. To be under- 
stood properly the narrative must be read in connection 
with the account of Kamarupa in Chuan 10 and with the 
story given in the corresponding passage of the Life. 

The pilgrim, we learn from these texts, was on his way back 
to China, and had gone again to the great monastery of Nalanda 
in Magadha. Here he wished to remain for some time continu- 
ing his studies in Buddhist philosophy which had been begun 
there some years before. But Baskaravarma, styled Kumara, 
the king of KamarOpa (that is, Assam), bad heard of him and 
longed to see him. So he sent messengers to Nalanda to invite 
and urge the pilgrim to pay him a visit. Yuan-chuang at first 
declined and pleaded his duty to China, but his old Buddhist 
teacher Silabhadra convinced him that it was also his duty to 
go to Kamarupa on the invitation of its king who was not a 
Buddhist. The pilgrim at length yielded, travelled to that country, 
and was received by tiie king with great honour. In the course 
of a conversation His Majesty said to Yuan-chuang. — "At pre- 
sent in various states of India a song has been heard for some 
time called the "Music of the conquests of Ch'in (Tsin) wang" 
of Mahacliina — this refers to Your Reverence's native country 
I presume". The pilgrim replied — "Yes, this song praises my 
sovereign's excellences". 

At this time king ^iladitya was in a district the name of 
which is transcribed in our Chinese texts in several ways. Julien 
calls it "Kadjoughira", and Cunningham identifies it with the 

• A special seat or pulpit, called a "Lion's Throne", was some- 
times given by a king to the Brother whom he chose to be Court 

MUSIC OP CHIN -Wang's victoky. 349 

modern Eankjol). He had been on an expedition to a country 
called Kung-yu-ta, and was on his way back to Kanauj to hold 
a great Buddhist assembly there. Hearing of the arrival of the 
Chinese pilgrim at the court of king Kumara he sent a summons 
to the latter to repair to him with his foreign guest. Kumara 
replied with a lefusal, saying that the king could have his head 
but not his guest. "I trouble you for your head", came the 
prompt reply. Thereupon Kumara became submissive, and pro- 
ceeded with the pilgrim and a grand retinue to join Siladitya. 

"When this sovereign met Yuan-chuang, our text here relates, 
having made a polite apology to the pilgrim (literally, having 
said — I have fatigued you) he made enquiry as to Yuan-chuang's 
native land, and the object of his travelling. Yuan-chuang an- 
swered that he was a native of the great T'ang country, and that 
he was travelling to learn Buddhism. The king then asked 
about this great T'ang country, in what direction it lay, and how 
far it was distant. Yuan-chuang replied that his country was 
the Mahachina of the Indians and that it was situated some 
myriads of li to the north-Cci-t of India. The king then relates 
how he had heard of the ChHn{T8in]-wang-T'ien-tzu (^ 5 
5^ -f), that is, the Deva-putra Prince Ch'in, of Mahachina, 
who had brought that country out of anarchy and ruin into 
order and prosperity, and made it supreme over distant regions 
to which his good influences extended. All his subjects, the 
king continues, having their moral and material wants cared for 
by this ruler, sing the "song of Ch'in-wanff's conquests", and 
this fine song has long been known here. The king then asks 
the pilgrim whether this was all true, and whether his Great 
T'ang country was the country of the song. 

In reply the pilgrim states that Chi-na (^ jJP) that is. Chin 
was the designation of a former dynasty in his native land, and 
that Ta T'ang denoted the present dynasty; that the sovereign 
then reigning, T'ai Tsnng, had been styled Ch'in-wang before 
he came to the throne, the title Emperor ( fiew-few) having been 
given to him on his accession. He then adds a compendious 
description of Ch'in-wang as Prince and Emperor. 

The musical composition about which our pilgrim here 
represents the two Indian rulers as enquiring was known 
in China as the CkHn-wang-p'o-ch'Sn-yao (^ J H [$ ^) 
or the "Music of Oh'in-wang's victory". Its history is 
briefly as follows. ' In the year A. D. 619 T'ang Kao Tsu's 

< See T'ung-chien-kang-mu, ch. 39 (T'ang T'ai Tsung let y.); T'ang- 
Shu, ch. 2 and 21; Ma T. 1., ch. 129. 


second sou Ch'in-waiig, or Prince of Ch'in, by name Shih- 
min succeeded in suppressing the serious rebellion of Liu 
wu-chow (§ ^ JgJ) who ultimately fell into the hands of 
the Turks and was killed by them. In commemoration of 
Ch'in-wang's military achievments in suppressing this rebel- 
lion his soldiers got up a musical performance with song 
and dance. This musical composition was entitled "Ch'in- 
wang-p'o-ch'en-yao" and also "Shen-Jcung (jpi^ J|j) -p^o-ch'en 
-yao", but it came to be generally known by its short 
name "P'o-ch'en-yao". The dancing or posture-making 
performance was called Ch'i-te-wu (^ f* ^) or "Dance 
of the Seven Virtues", the name containing a classical 
allusion. The dancing was performed by a company of 
128 men in silver hauberks and armed with spears. The 
emperor Kao Tsu ordered that the "P'o-ch'en-yao" should 
be given when a victorious general returning from a suc- 
cessful campaign entered the capital. At the banquet 
which T'ai-Tsung, formerly Ch'in-wang, gave on his acces- 
sion to the throne the dance and music were both per- 
formed. It is interesting to find that the fame of T'ang 
T'ai-Tsung's glory and achievments had reached the two 
Indian rulers if we can rely on our pilgrim's statements. 
It is also very remarkable that neither of Yuan-chuang's 
translators had read of Ch'in-wang, and it is pitiful to 
find Beal telling his readers that the Ch'in-wang of this 
passage is Ch'in-Shi-Huang-ti of B. C. 221. 

The Records and the Life next go on to relate how 
the kings Siladitya and Kumara, with their distinguished 
Chinese guest, proceeded by land and river in grand pro- 
cession to the city of Kanyakubja where Slladitya had 
convoked a great Buddhist assembly. From this city, when 
the functions were over, the kings, we learn from the Life, 
with their Chinese guest, and attended by magnificent reti- 
nues went on to Prayaga for the great periodical distri- 
bution of religious gifts and alms which was to be made 
there by ^iladitya; and at that plape our pilgrim bade his 
hosts farewell. 

Before we take up again the thread of our pilgrim's 



account of Kanyakubja we may add a few words about 
the great king who treated him with sucli marked distinc- 
tion and kindness. This king, ^iladitya or 6ri-Harsha- 
dcva or Harsha, "the Akbar of the 'Hindu period' of In- 
dian history", was not only a great and successful warrior 
and wise and benevolent ruler: he was also an intelligent 
devoted patron of religion and literature, and he was 
apparently an author himself. His father had been a 
sun-worshipper; but he himself, while retaining publicly 
the religion of liis father, and tolerant and liberal to other 
sects, was evidently strongly attached to Buddhism. As to 
his literary tastes we learn from- I-ching that the king 
once called for a collection of the best poems written: of 
the compositions sent in to him 500 were found to be 
strings of jatakas (Jatakamala). According to this author 
also ^iladitya put together the incidents of the Cloud- 
riding (Jimuta-vahana) Bodhisattva giving himself up for 
a naga, into a poem to be sung, that is, he composed the 
"Nagananda". An accompaniment of instrumental music 
was added, and the king ha-d the whole performed in 
public, and so it became popular, t The king was also a 
great traveller, and a seeker after knowledge of various 
kinds. His information about the martial fame and ex- 
ploits of the Chinese emperor T'ai-Tsung may have been 
acquired on one of his expeditions to distant provinces. 
In the year 641 he sent an envoy to the Chinese Court, 
and apparently he sent another soon after. His title in 
the documents connected with the former embassy seems 
to have been "king of Magadha". 

We return now to the pilgrim's description of Kanya- 
kubja, and an abridgment of his account of the Buddhist 
memorials of the neighbourhood is all that is given in 
these pages. 

To the north-west of the capital was an Asoka tope where the 
Buddha had preached excellent doctrines for seven days; beside 
it was a tope where the Four Fast Buddhas had sat and walked 
for exercise; and there was a small tope over hair- and nail-relics 

< t^an-hai-ch'i-kuei, sec. 32 and Takakusu p. 163. 


of the Buddha. South of the Preaching Tope and close to the 
Ganges were three Buddhist monasteries enclosed by a common 
wall but each haying its own gate. These vibaras had beautiful 
images, the Brethren were grave and reverend, and there were 
thousands of lay Buddhists to serve them. Tbe shrine or temple 
{ehing-ah&i of the three-fold vihara had a casket containing a won- 
der-working tooth of the Buddha an inch and a half long, which 
was exhibited to crowds of visitors for a charge of one gold 
coin each. There were other sacred Buddhist buildings near the 
city, and there were also splendid temples to the Sun- god and 
to Mahesvara respectively. 

From Kanyakubja, the pilgrim tells us, a journey of above 
100 li south-east brought him to the city na-fo-H-p^o-ku-h 
(Navadevakula). This city which was on the east bank of the 
Ganges, was above twenty li in circuit, with flowery groves and 
clear ponds giving interchange of sunshine and shadow. To the 
north-west of it, and also on the east bank of the Ganges, was a 
magnificent Deva-Temple. Five li to the east of the city were 
three Buddhist monasteries enclosed within one wall but with 
separate gates: in these monasteries were above 500 Brethren 
all Sarvastivadins. Near the monasteries were the remains of 
an Asoka tope where the Buddha had preached for seven days. 
Three or four li north of the monasteries was another Asoka 
tope. This marked the spot at which 600 hungry demons, 
having come to the Buddha and attained an understanding of 
his teaching, exchanged the demon state for that of devas. 

The Na-fo-t'i-p'o-Jai-lo of this passage, restored as 
Navadevakula, means "New Deva-Temple", and the site 
of the city so called is supposed to he represented 
hy the . present Nohbatgang.* This city has also been 
identified with or declared to be near the village (in one 
text, but in the other texts, wood) of A (or Ho)-li (^pj' or 
M ^) which Pa-hsien places three yojanas south of Kanauj 
and on the other side of the Granges. Our pilgrim's city 
may have been in the district of the wood (or village) but 
it cannot be identified with the latter. In the Life this 
city is not mentioned, and the Pang-chih calls it "Nava- 
deva city". It is not unlikely that it was from the splen- 
did Deva-temple which Yuan-chuang here describes very 
briefly that the city obtained its name. This temple, which 

I See Julieu 111 p. 350; A. G. L p. 382. 


was evidently of recent date, may have been devoted to 
the worship of Vishnu whose name Hari may be the word 
transribed by Fa-hsien's A (or Ro)-li. 

Instead of "500 Hungry (^) Demons" in this passage, 
the reading of the D text and the Eang-chih, the common 
texts have "more than (|^) 500 Demons". This latter is 
doubtless a copyist's error and the D reading is the cor- 
rect one. From another source we learn that the Five 
Hundred Hungry Demons came to the Buddha and im- 
plored his pity: he thereupon requested Maudgalyayana 
to feed them. The Buddha had to enlarge their needle- 
throats to enable them to swallow the food: having eaten 
they burst, died, and went to Heaven. The Buddha ex- 
plained that these creatures had once been so many lay 
Buddhists, and in that capacity had spoken rudely to 
bhikshus, calling them "Hungry Demons" when the bhikshus 
called on their morning rounds begging their daily food. 
The karma of this sin produced the rebirth of the up- 
asakas 500 times as Hungry Demons, and their faith in 
the Buddha,, and prayer to him, obtained their release from 
misery and their birth in Heaven.* 

The pilgrim, as we learn from the Life, remained at 
Kanyakubja three months, being lodged in the Bhadra- 
vihara. Here he studied with the learned Buddhist monk 
PH-U-ye-se-na (Viryasena) the vibhasha (or expository) 
treatise by Fo-sMh (f^ ^), "Buddha's Servant" or Buddha- 
dasa, called the Chou (^)- or "Varma-vibhasha." Julien, 
who apparently had a different text here, represents the 
pilgrim as reading the vibhasha of Buddhadasa "et le 
memoire du maitre ching-tchemi (Arya-varma) sur le JPi- 
p'o-cha (le vibhacha)". A Buddhadasa will be found men- 
tioned in Yuan-chuang's account of "Hayamukha" as the 
author of a maha-vibhasha-^astra. As this work was a 
book of the Sarvastivadin school of the Hinayana its author 
cannot have been the Buddhadasa who was a contempo- 
rary of Vasubandhu and a disciple of his brother Asanga. 

1 Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, cA. 2. 

364 ATODHrA. 

Very little seems to be known about any ^astra-writer 
with the name Buddhadasa, and there is no author with 
this name in the catalogues of Buddhist books as known 
in China and Japan. 


From the neighbourhood of Navadevakula city, according to 
the Eecords, the pilgrim continued his journey, going south-east; 
and after travelling above 600 li, and crossing the Ganges to the 
south, he reached the A-yu-t'% (Ayudha or Ayodhya) country. 

According to the account in the Life it was from Kanauj 
thg,t Yuan-chuang went 600 li south-east to Ayudha. The 
capital of this country, which was about a mile to the 
south of the river, has been identified with the Ayodhya 
of other writers, the old capital of Oudh. On account of 
difficulties of direction and distance Cunningham proposes 
a different site for Yuan-chuang's Ayudha'. But it seems 
to be better to adhere to Ayodhya, and to regard Yuan- 
chuang's Ganges here as a mistake for a large affluent of 
the great river. The city was on the south bank of the 
river, and about 120 miles east-south-east from Kanauj, 
Its name is found written in full A-yii-t^e-ye (PfJ % ^ j^), 
Ayudhya (Ayodhya), and the city is said to have been the 
seat of government of a line of kings more or less mythi- 
cal. 2 We know also that to the Hindus Ayodhya was 
the old capital of B,ama and the Solar race. It is possible 
that an old or dialectic form of the name was Ayuddha, 
and the Chinese translation of the Sanskrit word, which 
suits either form, means invincible or irresistable. Moreover 
we find that Yuan-chuang makes his Ayudha the tempo- 
rary residence of Asanga and Vasubandhu, and other 
authorities represent Ayodhya as a place of sojourn for 
these two illustrious brothers. Then the Ayudha of Yuan- 

' A. G. I. p. 385. As will be seen there are serious difficulties 
in the identification of Yuan-chuang's Ayudha with the Sha-ki of 
Fa-hsien and with the Ayodhya of other writers. 

2 Chung-hsii-ching, ch. 1 (No. 859). 


chuang is apparently the Sha-ki or Saket, that is Ayodhya, 
of Fa-hsien ; this was ten yojanas south-east from the Ho- 
li village which was three yojanas south from Kanauj. 
Alberuni makes Ayodhya to have been about 150 miles 
south-east from Kanauj, being 25 farsakhs down the 
Ganges from Bari, which was 20 farsakhs east from Ka- 
nauj.* It is the Saketa or Oudh of the Brihat-sanhita 
which merely places it in the "Middle country".^ It may 
be mentioned in passing that there is no reference to 
Ayudha in the account of king Siladitya's progress from 
Kanauj by land and river to Prayaga. 

The Ayudha country, the Records proceeds to tell us, was 
above 5000 li in circuit, and the capital was above twenty li in 
circuit. The country yielded good crops, was luxuriant in fruit 
and flower, and had a genial climate. The people had agreeable 
ways, were fond of good works, and devoted to practical learning. 
There were above 100 Buddhist monasteries, and more than 3000 
Brethren who were students of both "Vehicles". There were ten 
Deva-Temples, and the non-Buddhists were few in number. 

Within the capital, the author continues, was the old monas- 
tery in which Vasubandhu P'usa in the course of some scores 
of years composed various sastras Mahayanist and Hinayanist. 
Beside this monastery were the remains of the Hall in which 
Vasubandhu had expounded Buddhism to princes and illustrious 
monks and brahmins from other countries. Four or iive li north 
from the capital, and close to the Ganges, was a large Buddhist 
monastery, with an Asoka tope to mark a place at which the 
Buddha had preached to devas and men for three months on the 
excellent doctrines of his religion. Four or five K west from 
this monastery was a Buddha-relic tope, and to the north of the 
tope were the remains of an old monastery. Here Shih-li-lo-to 
(restored by Julien as Srilabdha), a sastra-master of the Sautran- 
tika School, composed a sautrantika vibhasha-sastra. 

In a mango plantation iive or six li to the south-west of the 
city was the old monastery in which Asanga P'usa had learned 
and taught. By night the P'usa went up to the Tushita HeaVen, 
and there received from Mkitreya the materials of three treatises 
which he taught by day to his disciples. These treatises, Yuan- 
chuang teUs us, were the " Yii-ka-shih-ti-lun" (JIj fjlll ^i|i J(^ fj^), 

1 Alberuni Vol. I. p. 200. 

2 Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 174, 189, 

356 maiteeta's thbee books. 

the "Chuanff-i/en-ta-sheng-ching-lun" (^ J^ :^ ^ 3^ |&)) and the 
" Chung-pkn-fen-pie-lun" (i^ jSt ^ M Wt)- 

The large Buddhist Monastery and tope, which in this 
passage are placed four or five to the north of the capital, 
are described in the Life as being to the north-west of the 
city, the distance being the same. 

Our pilgrim's 6rilabdha, whose name is translated by 
Sheng-shou (0 ^) "Received from the Victorious", may 
perhaps be Taranatha's "Sutra-acharya-Bhadanta Srilabha", 
a Kashmirian and the founder of a School'. 

The three Buddhist treatises which Yuan-chuang here 
states were communicated to Asanga by Maitreya require 
a short notice. The name Tu-Jca-shih-ti-lun most likely 
stands for " Yogacharya-bhumi-Sastra", as in Julien's re- 
translation, but it is possible that this was not the ori- 
ginal name of the Sanskrit treatise. We have the work 
in Yuan-chuang's translation, made with the help of several 
Brethren, and with an interesting introduction by the pil- 
grim's friend, the distinguished scholar and official Hsii 
Ching-tsung (f'^^^ ^), whose name has a bad mark against 
it in history. The treatise, which is a very long one, was 
uttered, we are told, by Maitreya. It is a metaphysical 
religious work on the basis of Buddhism, but it is not a 
yoga treatise as the term yoga came to be understood, 
nor is the word shih to be taken here in its ordinary 
sense of "master". The yoga-shih is merely a disciple 
who devotes himself to profound continued meditation in 
the seventeen ti (bhumi) or provinces of faith and know- 
ledge. It is not unlikely that the name which Mr. Bunyiu 
Nanjio gives as the second name of this treatise, viz. 
"Saptadasa- bhumi- (or bhumika)-Sastra-yogacharyabhumi", 
is the correct or original title. 2 

The "Chuang-yen-ta-sheng-ching-lun" is evidently, as 
Julien restores the name, the "SUtralaiikara-tlka", the 
word Mahdydna, which is required by the Chinese trans- 

» Tar. S. 4, 67. 
2 Bun. No. 1170. 

maitreta's three books. 357 

lation, being omitted from the title. We find the name 
also given as "Ta-sheng-chuang-yen-ching-lun", and a trea- 
tise so designated coniposed by Asaiiga was translated by 
Prabhamitra, a kshatriya of Magadha and a contemporary 
of our pilgrim. This translation is evidently a work of 
great merit, and the treatise is interesting as giving 
Asanga's exposition and defence of Mahayanism. It is a 
work in verse with a prose commentary throughout, but 
there is no reference to Maitreya as author or inspirer 
either of verses or commentary.' 

The third treatise here said to have been communicated 
by Maitreya to Asanga is called by our pilgrim "Chung- 
pien-fen-pie-lun", the Sanskrit original name being "Mad- 
hyanta-vibhaga-Sastra". But this treatise, of which there 
are two Chinese translations, is represented as the work 
of Vasubandhu. The Chinese name which Yuan-chuang 
here uses for it is that given to Paramartha's translation, 
his own translation having a name slightly different. The 
treatise in both translations gives the "Pien-chung-pien-lun- 
sung" by Maitreya, with a running commentary on it by 
Vasubandhu. Maitreya's work is a very short one in seven 
poems on seven subjects; and it was this work apparently 
which Maitreya, according to Yuan-chuang in this passage, 
communicated to Asanga. The term Madhyanta-vibhaga 
seems to mean, as translated into Chinese, "distinguishing 
between the mean and the extremes", that is, holding the 
mean between the negation and the assertion of existence.^ 

Above 100 paces to the north-west of the JMango Grove was 
a Buddha-relic tope, and beside it were old foundations at the 
place where Vasubandhu P'usa descended from Tushita Paradise 
to have an interview with his elder brother Asanga P'usa. Our 
pilgrim here represents these two brothers as natives of Gandhara, 
and as having lived in the millenium succeeding the Buddha's 
decease (that is, according to the Chinese reckoning, before the 
third century of our era). Asanga, he tells us, began his 
Buddhist religious career as a Mahisasika and afterwards became 
a Mahayanist: and Vasubandhu began his religious career in 

i No. 1190. 

2 Nos. 1244, 1245, and 1248. 


the school of the Saryastivadins. Yuan-chuang here tells a 
curious story about the two brothers and a great scholar who 
was a friend and disciple of Asanga, by name Fo-fe-seng-hai 
translated by Shih-tzii-chiao or "Lionrintelligence", the Sanskrit 
original being Buddha-sifiiha. These three Brethren made an 
agreement that when one of them died and went to Heaven he 
should come back to earth at the first opportunity to enlighten 
the survivors as to his circumstances. The first to die was the 
disciple Buddhasiiiiha, but in Heaven he forgot his promise. 
Then three years afterwards Vasubandhu died and went to Tu- 
shita Heaven. He had been dead six months, and no message 
had come from him, so the heretics declared that he and Buddha- 
simha had gone to a bad place. But at length Vasubandhu 
remembering his agreement found it in his power to keep it. 
So in the form of a Deva-rishi he descended to earth and visited 
his brother, telling him how he and Buddha-simha had fared in 
Maitreya's Paradise. 

The story here given about the death of Vasubandhu 
is at variance with the accounts of the brothers given in 
the Life of Vasubandhu, and other works, according to 
which the elder brother dies first, leaving the younger 
brother still living and writing. 

The pilgrim next tells of an old monastery 40 li north-west 
from Asanga's chapel, and having its north side close to the 
Ganges. Within this a brick tope marked the place at which the 
conversion of Vasubandhu to Mahayanism began. According to 
the version of the story here given Vasubandhu, having come 
from Korth India to Ayudha, heard a portion of the Mahayana 
treatise Shih-ti-ehing {-{' i'^ |i^) recited by a disciple of Asanga, 
and was thereby led to reflect. He became convinced that he 
had been wrong as a Hinayanist opponent of Mahayanism, and 
was ready to cut out his tongue as the offending member which 
had reviled the "Great Vehicle". But his elder brother, who 
had wished to bring about Vasubandhu's conversion, interfered 
and taught him to use his tongue in the praise and preaching 
of his new creed. 

In other works Asanga uses the pretext of fatal sickness 
to bring his brother from Ayodhya to visit him at Puru- 
shapura, and there reasons vrith him and converts him to 
Mahayanism. After the death of Asanga, his brother com- 
posed several treatises all expounding and defending Maha- 


yanism ; and he died in Ayodhya at the age of eighty years. • 
The Shih-ti-ching or "Sutra of the Ten Lands" of this 
passage is doubtless the work called Shih-chu-ching (No. 105), 
the Da^abhumika-sutra. One of Vasubandhu's numerous 
treatises is a commentary on this stitra entitled Shih-ti- 
ching-'lun (No. 1194). 


From Ayudha the pilgrim travelled east, he writes, above 
300 li, and crossing the Granges to the north, arrived in the A- 
ye-mu-k'a country. This country he describes as being 2400 or 
2500 li in circuit with its capital, situated on the Ganges, above 
20 li in circuit. In climate and natural products the country 
resembled Ayudha: the character of the people was good, they 
were studious and given to good works. There were five Buddhist 
monasteries with above 1000 Brethren who were adherents of the 
Sammatiya School, and there were more than ten Deva-Temples. 
Not far from the capital on the south-east side, and close to the 
Ganges, were an Asoka tope at a place where the Buddha had 
preached for three months, traces of a sitting and walking place 
of the Four Past Buddhas, and a dark-blue-stone tope with 
Buddha-relics. Beside this last was a monastery with above 
200 Brethren, and in it was a beautiful life-like image of the 
Buddha: its halls and chambers rose high, and were of exquisite 
workmanship. It was in this monastery that the Sastra-Master 
Buddhadasa composed his great vibhasha treatise of the Sarvasti- 
vadin School. 

The name of the country here transcribed A-ye-imi-ka 
was restored by Julien in his translation of the Life as 
Ayamukha, but in the present passage he makes these 
syllables stand for Hayamukha. This latter restoration 
seems to be inadmissible; and as A- is the first syllable 
of the name in all the texts of the Life and Records, and 
in the Fang-chih, we must regard Ayamukha as the name 
which the pilgrim transcribed. It is not impossible that 
the correct form may have been Hayamukha or Ayamukha, 
the former word meaning "Horse-face" and the latter mean- 
ing a creek or channel. Cunningham, who finds Yuan- 

1 Vasubandhu-chuan (No. 1463). 


chuang's Ayudha in the present Kakapur, thinks that 
Ayamukha may be represented by "Daundia-khera on the 
northern bank of the Ganges". But these identifications 
are mere conjectures and are of little use.i 

In the corresponding passage of the Life we are informed 
that the pilgrim left Ayudha in a boat along with a party 
and proceeded east down the Ganges towards Ayamukha. 
When about 100 li on the way, in a wood of asoka trees, 
the boat was attacked by Thugs who robbed the party. 
When these Thugs saw that the Chinese pilgrim was an 
uncommonly fine-looking man they decided to sacrifice 
him to their cruel deity Durga. From this terrible fate 
the pilgrim was preserved by a providential hurricane 
which put the wicked Thugs in fear, and made them release 
their doomed yictim, treat him with awe and reverence, 
and under his teaching give up their wicked profession, 
and take the vows of lay-Buddhists. After recording this 
episode the Life goes on to state that the pilgrim "from 
this went above 300 li east and crossed to the north 
of the Ganges into the Ayamukha country". The "this" 
here may be taken to mean the place of the encounter 
with the Thugs, and the distance from Ayudha to Aya- 
mukha would then be 400 li But the words "from this" 
in the above extract from the Life should perhaps be 
treated, in accordance with the text of the Eecords, as indi- 
cating Ayudha city as the point of departure. The pil- 
grim apparently travelled by land eastwards from the 
place where the boat was seized by the Thugs, and he 
crossed to the north side of the river near Ayamukha 
city. , This river cannot have been the Ganges and it may 
have been the Sai. We may even doubt whether the river 
in the Asoka wood on which the Thugs had their pirati- 
cal boats was the Ganges proper. 

The great vibhasha treatise, which Yuan-chuang here 
tells us was composed by Buddhada^a in a monastery of 
this country, is probably the "Varma-vibhasha" already 

1 A. G. I. p. 387. 


mentioned, above p. 353, in connection with the pilgrim's 
account of Kanauj. 


From Ayamukha the pilgrim went south-east, he tells us, and 
after a journey of more than 700 li, crossing to the south of 
the Ganges and the north of the Jumna he came to the Po-lo- 
ya-ka (Prayaga) country. 

There is evidently something wrong in the accounts 
which our pilgrim has given of his journeys in these districts. 
He applies the name "Ganges", apparently to more than 
one river, and it seems probable that his Ayudha and 
Ayamukha were on an affluent or affluents of the Ganges 
proper. From Kanauj he may have made an excursion 
to these two cities. From Ayamukha he apparently return- 
ed to the Ganges somewhere near Navadevakula, which 
was 20 miles to the south-east of Kanauj. From the 
neighbourhood of this place to Prayaga, going south-east, 
is about 140 miles or 700 li. Cunningham seems to take 
no notice of the statements in the Records and Life that 
Ayamukha was to the east of Ayudha. Moreover he 
wrongly represents Yuan-chuang as going by boat all the 
way down the Ganges south-east from the latter city to 
Ayamukha. So we cannot wonder that he finds it impos- 
sible to make distances agree.* 

The pilgrim goes on to state that the Prayaga country was 
above 5000 li in circuit, and the capital above 20 li in circuit. 
This city, which apparently had the same name, he places at the 
junction of two rivers (viz. the Ganges and the Jumna). He 
praises the country, the climate, and the people. He tells us there 
were only two Buddhist establishments and very few Brethren 
all Hinayanists, There were some hundreds of Deva-Temples 
and the majority of the inhabitants were non-Buddhists. 

In a champaka grove to the south-west of the capital was an 
old Asoka tope to mark the spot at which the Buddha once 
overcame his religious opponents (that is, in controversy). Beside 
it were a Buddha-hair-and-nail relic tope and an Exercise ground. 
Near the relic tope was an old monastery in which Deva P'usa 

> A. G. I. n. 388. 


composed the "Kuang-pai-lun" for the refutation of the Hina- 
yanists and the conquest of the Tirthikas. 

Prayaga, the capital of this country, corresponds, as has 
been shown by others, to the modern Allahabad. The 
word Prayaga means sacrifice, or a holy ground set apart 
for sacrifices. 

The Deva P'usa of this passage has been already met 
with at the Sources of the Granges. His treatise here 
mentioned, the "Kuang-pai-lun", which we have in Yuan- 
chuang's translation, is a very short one in verse arranged 
under eight headings. It denounces the belief in individual 
permanence and argues against brahmins and others.^ 

In the capital, the pilgrim goes on to relate, was a celebrated 
Deva-Temple in front of which was a great wide-spreading um- 
brageous tree. In this tree once lodged a cannibal demon, hence 
the presence of numerous bones near the tree. Visitors to the 
temple, under the influence of bad teaching and supernatural 
beings, had continuously from old times all lightly committed 
suicide here. Lately, however, a very wise and learned brahmin 
of good family had tried to convert the people from their evil 
belief and stop the practice of suicide. He accordingly went up 
to the temple and in the presence of friends proceeded to kill 
himself in the usual way by mounting the tree to throw himself 
down from it. When up the tree, addressing the spectators he 
said — "I am dying (lit. have death); formerly I spoke of the 
matter as an illusion, now I have proof that it is real ; the devas 
with their aerial music are coming to meet me, and I am about 
to give up my vile body from this meritorious spot." As the 
Brahmin was about to throw himself down from the tree to be 
killed his friends tried to dissuade him from the act, but their 
counsels were in vain. They then spread their garments below 
the tree; and when the Brahmin fell he was unhurt, but was in a 
swoon. When he recovered he said to the by-standers — "What 
is seen as the devas in the air summoning one is the leading of 
evil spirits, not the acquisition of heavenly joy". 

The story here told leaves somewhat to be supplied in 
order to make it as intelligible to us as it was to Yuan- 
chuang's Chinese readers. For some reason not explained 
in the story it had long been an article of popular belief 

< Bun. No. 1189. 


that suicide at this Deva-Temple led to birth in Heaven. 
Then those who "threw away their lives" here were evi- 
dently left unburied and were supposed to be devoured by 
the man-eating demon who lived in the great tree. This 
tree was undoubtedly a banyan, and Cunningham thinks 
that "there can be little doubt that the famous tree here 
described by the pilgrim is the well-known Akshay-Bat, 
or "undecaying Banian tree", which is still an object of 
worship at Allahabad". 

JS'ot long before the time of Yuan-chuang's visit, he 
tells us, a brahmin "of good family" had tried to convert 
the people from their folly in committing suicide here. 
The Chinese rendered by "of good family" is tsu-hsing-teu 
(M a -f) ^i*' "So^ °^ * clan". This expression is one of 
very common use in Buddhist books and means simply 
"a gentleman". Yet Julien here translates it by "dont le 
nom de famille etait Fits (Pouttra)".' 

This brahmin gentleman, when up in the banyan tree, 
hears music and sees beings; and he thinks (or pretends 
to think) that these are the harbingers of a happy death 
giving an entrance into Heaven. But when he recovers 
from his swoon he recognizes, and declares, that he only 
saw in the air devas summoning him, that these were evil 
deities coming to meet him, and that there was no heavenly 
joy. The language here used belongs partly to a popular 
Chinese belief or fancy. The Chinese generally believe 
that dying persons often receive intimation or indication 
of what is to be their lot after they depart this life, and 
the information is supposed to be often conveyed by the 
appearance of a certain kind of emissary from the other 
world. These messengers from the world beyond are said 
to chie-yin (^ ^D ^^ ^^ y^** ^^^ dying individual, that is 
to welcome or introduce him. It is these terms which are 

1 The phrase tsu-hsing-tzu is the equivalent of the Indian term 
kwlaputra, "son of a family", that -is, clansman, and the clansmen 
were regarded as well-bom. In the Buddhist books tsu-hsing-tzu is 
applied to eminent laymen, and also to bhikshus, who moreover use 
it in speaking of themselves. 


here translated by "coming to meet" and "leading". The 
Brahmin mistook the character of the welcotne to be given. 
We are probably to understand that he taught his friends, 
and the people generally, that the music and angels of the 
suicides were in all cases harbingers of posthumous misery, 
not of bliss in Heaven. 

On the east side of the capital and at the confluence of the 
rivers, the pilgrim proceeds, was a sunny down about ten li 
wide covered with a white sand. This down was called in the 
popular language "The Grand Arena of Largesse". It was the 
place to which from ancient times princes, and other liberal bene- 
factors, had come to make their offerings and gifts. Yuan-chuang 
then proceeds to describe how king Siladitya acted on the occa- 
sion to which reference has already been made. The king, as 
we have seen, went in state from Kanauj to this place for his 
customary quinquennial great distribution of gifts, and alms, and 
offerings. He had come prepared, and he gave away all the 
public money, and all his own valuables. Beginning with offer- 
ings to the Buddhist images on the iirst day, Yuan-chuang here 
tells us, the king went on to bestow gifts on tl^e resident 
Buddhist Brethren, next on the assembled congregation, next on 
those who were conspicuous for great abilities and extensive 
learning, next on retired scholars and recluses of other religions, 
and lastly on the kinless poor. This lavish distribution in a 
few (according to the Life in 75) days exhausted all the public 
and private wealth of the country, but in ten days after the 
Treasury was emptied it was again filled. 

At the junction of the rivers and to the east of the Arena of 
Largesse, Yuan-chuang continues, every day numbers of people 
arrived to die in the sacred water, hoping to be thereby reborn 
in Heaven. Even the monkeys and other wild creatures came 
to this place, some bathed and then went back, others fasted 
here until they died^ In connection with this statement Yuan- 
chuang tells a story of a monkey which lived under a tree close 
to the river, and starved himself to death at the time of Sila- 
ditya's visit. He adds that this occurrence led to the following 
curious and trying austerity-performance on the part of the local 
devotees given to austerities. High poles were erected in the 
Ganges at this place, each with a projecting peg near the top; 
at sunrise a devotee mounted a pole ; holding on to the top with 
one hand and one foot, and supported by the peg, he stretched 
out his other arm and leg at full length. In this posture he 
followed keenly with his eyes the sun's progress to the right; 
when the sun set the devotee came down from his perch to 


resume it next morning. This painful austerity was practised 
with the view of obtaining release from mortal life, and it was 
carried on for several tens of years without relaxation. 

This story of our pilgrim seems to be rather silly and 
not very intelligible. One cannot see the connection be- 
tween the monkey's suicide and the devotees' practice on 
the poles. But if we regard the date given for the mon- 
key's death, viz. the time of Siladitya's visit, as an acci- 
dental mistake (which the context seems to show it must 
be) then we probably have here a fragment of some old 
story told to account for absurd austerities still practised 
at the time of Yuan-chuang's visit. According to the 
Fang-chih the monkey of the pilgrim's story was a husband, 
and his wife was attacked and killed by a dog. The hus- 
band found the dead body of his wife, and with pious care 
carried it to the Ganges, and consigned it to that sacred 
river; then he gave himself up to grief, would not take 
any food, and after a few days died. It is probable that 
the original story also told how the bereaved monkey 
every morning went to the top of one of the poles at the 
bank of the river, and sat there gazing intently at the sky; 
that he came down at evening, and spent the night in his 
lonely home, and that when he died he rejoined his wife 
in Heaven. When the history of this pious uxorious mon- 
key became generally known, seekers after Heaven were 
moved to adopt the means which they had seen the mon- 
key use. So they set up poles in the river, and sat perched 
on these after the manner of monkeys, as the pilgrim 
describes, craning their necks to watch the sun through 
all his course from east to west. This is what they thought 
the pious intelligent monkey had been doing. 


From Prayaga the pilgrim went, he tells us, south-west through 
a forest infested by wild elepliants and other fierce animals, and 
after a journey of above BOO li (about 100 miles) he reached the 
Kiao-shang-mi (that is Kau^ambi or Kosambl) country. This 
is described by the pilgrim as being above 6000 li in circuit, and 


its capital (evidently named Kosambi) as being above 30 U in 
circuit. It -was a fertile country with a hot climate: it yielded 
much upland rice and sugar-cane; its people were enterprising, 
fond of the arts, and cultivators of religious merit. There were 
more than ten Buddhist monasteries, but all in utter ruin; and 
the Brethren, -who were above 300 in number, were adherents 
of the Hinayana system. There were more than fifty Deva- 
Temples and the non-Buddhists were very numerous.^ 

In the corresponding part of the Life distance and 
direction of Kosambi from Prayaga are also given as 
above 500 li to the south-west. This agrees with the state- 
ment, in a subsequent part of the Life, that the pilgrim 
on leaving Prayagg, journeyed south-west through a jungle 
for seven days to Kosambi. Cunningham, (who was misled 
by JuKen's slip in writing 50 li, instead of 500, in his trans- 
lation of the Life) identifies the city of Kosambi here de- 
scribed with the modern Kosam, which is only 38 miles 
by road south-west from Allahabad. 2 M. Saint-Martin 
could not offer any identification for our pilgrim's Kosambi, 
and seems to think that it lay to the north-west not south- 
west of Prayaga.3 Cunningham's identification has been 
conclusively shown to be untenable by M' Vincent A. Smith, 
whose studies on the subject have led him to the conclusion 
that "the Kau^ambi twice visited by Hiuen Tsiang is to 
be looked for, and, when looked for, will be found, in one 
of the Native States of the Baghelkhand Agency, in the 
valley of the Tons River, and not very far from the East 
Indian Railway, which connects Allahabad with Jabalpur. 
In short, the Satna (Sutna) railway station marks the 
approximate position of Kau.^ambi".'* But this identifica- 

1 There is reason for suspecting the genuiness of the passage in 
the 5th chuan of the Life which seems to be a remembrance of the 
passage in the Srd chuan. In transcribing ' the name Ghoshila the 
author uses characters different from those in the Srd chuan and 
from those in the Records. This passage also makes the pilgrim go 
back from Prayaga to Eosambi south-west, and continue his journey 
from the latter going north-west. 

2 A. G. I. p. 391. 

3 J. III. p. 8B2 and see Map in J. II. 

i J. R. A. S. for 1898. [See now Dr Yost's article, ibid. 1904.] 


tion also is beset with difficulties -which seem to me 
insurmountable. For the pilgrim to go south-west 
from Prayaga was to go out of his line of trayel, and 
although this detour might be necessary for one visit it 
would be unnecessary on the return journey. M' Smith 
has noticed the discrepancy between Yuan-chuang's loca- 
tion of Kosambi and that given by Fa-hsien, and he thinks 
the latter's north-west is a "clerical mistake for south-west, 
but, on the other hand, Yuan-chuang's south-west may be 
an error for north-east. M' Smith, moreover, has not 
noticed the important difference between the Life and the 
Records as to the distance and direction of ViSakha from 
Kosambi, and this difference increases the difficulty of 

Now our pilgrim's statements here, as to the bearing 
and distance of Kosambi from Prayaga and other places, 
are not in agreement with other accounts of the situation 
and bearings of Kosambi. Thus the Life, which in one 
place reproduces the words of the Eecords, in another 
passage makes Pi-so-ka (Vi^oka), on the way to Sravasti, 
to be 500 li east of Kosambi, while the Records, as we 
shall see presently, puts it about 880 li to the north-north- 
east of the city. Again, Fa-hsien places the Kosambi 
country thirteen yojanas (about 90 miles) to the north- 
west of the Deer Park to the north of Benares.' This 
would make the city of Kosambi lie to the north of 
Prayaga. Then in the Vinaya we find that in going from 
Rajagriha to Kosambi one went by boat up the river, that 
is, the Ganges. 2 Further we read of the Buddha on his 
way from Sravasti to Kosambi passing through the town of 
Bhaddavatika, and this was the name of the swift elephant 
of the king of Kosambi.' In some books the Kosambi 
and Kosala countries are adjacent, and the bhikshus of 
Sravasti and Kosambi keep Retreat at the same town in 

> Fo-kuo-chi, ch. 34. 

2 Vin. Chul. XI. 1. 

5 Jataka Vol. I. p. 206 (Chalmers tr.) 


the Kosambi country, i So also when a hermit's life is 
threatened by the king of Kosambi in the Udayana Park 
the hermit flies to Sravasti.2 Further in the Sutta Nipata 
the deputation from the Brahmin Bavari going to visit 
the Buddha at Sravasti proceed to "Kosambi and Saketa 
and Sravasti".3 From all these it would seem that 
Kosambi, instead of being 500 li to the south-west of Pra- 
yaga. was rather to the north of that place, and it evi- 
dently was not very far from Sravasti. It was the capital 
of the Vatsa (in Chinese Ihi-tzu ^ ^ "Calf) country, 
and the land of of the Vatsas was in the Middle Eegion 
of the Brihat Samhita.< 

Within the old royal inclosure Qtung) of the capital, the pilgrim 
relartes, was a large Buddhist temple (ching-shS) over sixty feet 
high in which was a carved sandal-wood image of the Buddha 
with a stone canopy suspended over it. This image made mira- 
culous manifestations, .and no power could move it from its place: 
so paintings made of it were worshipped, and all true likenesses 
of the Buddha have been taken from this image. It was the 
one made for king Udayana by the artist conveyed to the Tra- 
yastrimsa Heaven by Mudgalaputra at the king's request. When 
the Buddha descended to earth near Sankasya the image went 
out to meet him and the Buddha put it at ease saying— "What 
I want of you is that you convert those distressed by error and 
and that you teach posterity". 

The Udayana of this passage was the prince born to 
the king of Kosambi on the day on which the Buddha 
was born. His name (in Pali books Udena) is translated 
into Chinese in a note here by ch'u-ai ({f| ^), "yielding 
affection"; but it is also rendered by ch^u-kuang (^), "yield- 
ing brightness", by jih-tzu (0 ^) "the Sun", by jih-clni 
(fjj) or jih-ch'u both meaning "Sunrise". He is represent- 
ed as originally- a cruel wicked king vrith a very bad 
temper, and as an enemy to the Buddhists. But he took 

> Seng-ki-lu, ch. 28. 

2 Sar. Vin. Tsa-shih, ch. 3. 

3 Sutta Nipata p. 185 (P. T. S.). 

♦ Divyav. p. 528 : Yin-kuo-ching, ch. 1 (No. 666); Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. 
pp. 170. 181. 


into his harem the peerless beauty whose father, when the 
Buddha refused to take her to wife, gave her to the king. 
This concubine was wicked and ambitious; and she poison- 
ed the king's mind against the queen, whom she slander- 
ed as unfaithful to him. Her influence with the king was 
so great that he ordered the queen to be put to death. 
She, however, was innocent, and was a pious Buddhist, 
and her good karma turned aside the weapons of death, 
and preserved her life.* Greatly moved by this miracle, 
the king repented, joined the Buddhists, and became an 
enthusiast in the new religion (as we see by the passage 
under consideration). The image, according to one state- 
ment, was taken to China, and according to the Life it 
went of itself through the air to Khoten. A copy of the 
image had been brought to China as early as the time of 
Han Ming-Ti. 

After mentioning certain memorials of the Four Past Buddhas 
and of the Buddha at this part of the capital the pilgrim pro- 
ceeds — In the south-east corner of the city are the ruins of the 
house of the Elder Ku-shih-lo (-^ ^ j^) or Ghoshila. Here 
also were a Buddhist Temple, a Hair-and-Nail-relio tope, and the 
remains of the Buddha's bath-house. Not far from these but 
outside the city on the south-east side was the old Grhosilarama, 
or Monastery built by Ghoshila, with an Asoka tope above 200 
feet high. Here, writes Tuan-chuang, the Buddha preached for 
several years. Beside this tope was a pl^ce with traces of the 
sitting and walking up and down of the Four Fast Buddhas, and 
there was another Buddha Hair-and-nail relic tope. 

The Ghosila of this passage was a great man of very 
small stature: he was one of the three chief ministers of state 
of Kosambi in the time of the Buddha, who converted him 
and admitted him as a lay-disciple. Then Ghoshila, within 
his own grounds, set up an arama or Monastery for the 
Buddha; and it was in it that the Buddha usually lodged 
on his visits to Kosambi. These, apparently, were not 
very frequent, and we do not know Yuan-chuang's autho- 

• Divyav. cA. XXXVI : Dh. p. 172 if.: Fo-shuo-yu-tien-wang-ching 
(No. 38): Yu-t'e-yen-wang-ching (No. 23 (No. 29)). 



rity for his statement that the Buddha preached here for 
several years. In Pali literature this Ghosila is called 
Ghosita the setthi, and his monastery is the Ghosita-rama. 
His name is translated in some of the Chinese versions 
of Buddhist books by Mei-yin (^ ^O or "Fine Voice". 
In his infancy and childhood this Ghosita had a long 
series of the most exciting escapes from attempts to mur- 
der him.* 

To the south-east of the Ghoshilarama, Yuan-chuang proceeds, 
was a two-story building with an old brick upper-chamber ; and 
in this Vasubandhu lodged and composed the Wei-shih-lun 
(P^ or 'I'ff: pfii( Wi) for ^^ refuting of Hinayanists and the con- 
founding of non- Buddhists. 

The Sanskrit original of the name given here, as in 
other passages of the Life and Records, as Wei-shih- 
lun is restored as "Vidyamatra siddhi Sastra" by Julien, 
M' Bunyiu Nanjio gives " Vldyamatrasiddhi" as the 
Sanskrit name, and applies it to several other works, 
such as the "Ch'eng- wei- shih -lun".2 This last is a 
commentary by DharmapSla, Sthiramati, and eight other 
P'usas on Vasubandhu's ^^Wei-shih-san-shih-lun (or with 
sung)'\ The little treatise Wei - shih - lun is called in 
the Ming collection "Ta-sheng-Leng-ka-ching-wei-shih- 
lun" that is "Mahayana-Lanka-stitra-vidyamatra ^astra", 
a name which does not appear in the old texts, and is 
perhaps unauthorized.' Some of the old texts give the 
title as "Ta-sheng-wei-shih-lun", and this is warranted by 
the contents. There are three Chinese translations of this 
treatise, bearing different names, and with variations in the 
matter. The first translation is by Gautamaprajiiaruchi 
(or according to some, by Bodhiruchi.) A. D. 520», the 
second is by Paramartha about A. D. 5G0*, and the third 

1 See .1. E. A. S. 1898 p. 741; Divyav. p. 529. 
J Bun. No. 1197. 
3 \o. 1238. 
« No. 1239. 

asanga's commentabt. 371 

by our pilgrim in the year 661.* The treatise has another 
title— r ^^P'o-se-hsin-lun (^ •g, >5 ti^)"' that is, "the sastra 
which refutes matter and mind". The book is a small 
philosophical poem with an explanatory commentary on 
the relations of mind and matter. It teaches the unrea- 
lity of phenomena, and consequently of our sense-percep- 
tions apart from the thinking principle, the eternal mind 
unmoved by change and unsoiled by error. This work 
was regarded by its author as an exposition of the Buddha's 
views and teaching on the relation of mind to matter. It 
quotes and refutes tenets of the non-Buddhist Vaiseshikas 
and of the Buddhist "Vibhasha masters of Kashmir". 
Some of the author's tenets are to be found in the "Lan- 
kavatara sutra", but we cannot properly describe the Wei- 
shih-lun as a commentary on that sutra. 

In a mango wood east of the Ghosilarama were the old found- 
ations of the house in which Asanga P'usa composed the "Hsien- 

The translation of the title of Asanga's work here given 
means "the Sastra which developes Buddhism" that is, 
developes Buddha's teaching. The treatise, which we have 
in Yuan-chuang's translation^, is an exposition and deve- 
lopment of the "Yogacharyabhiimi Sastra" already men- 

At a distance of eight or nine li south-west from the capital, 
Yuan-chuang proceeds, was a venomous dragon's cave in which 
the Buddha had left his shadow after subduing the venomous 
dragon. This was a matter of record, but the shadow was no 
longer visible. Beside the Dragon's Cave was an Asoka-built 
tope, and at the side of it were the traces of the Buddha's exer- 
cise-ground, and a hair-and-nail-relic tope at which in many 
cases the ailments of devotees were cured in answer to prayer. 
This Eosambi country is to be the last place in which the Sakya- 
[muni] religion will cease to exist; hence all, from king to 
peasant, who visit this land feel deeply moved, and return weep- 
ing sadly. 

1 No. 1240. 

2 No. 1177. 



According to the Mahasafigika Vinaya the malicious 
dragon of Kosambi, An-p'o-lo (^ ^ ^) by name, was 
subdued by the bhikshu Shan-lai (^ ^) or Svagata. > 
M' Cockbum, •who does not accept the situation of the 
Dragon's cave given by our pilgrim, is disposed to identify 
the cave with one now called "Sita's Window". This is 
"an ancient Buddhist Hermit's cave, cut into the vertical 
face of a precipice 50 feet high. This precipice forms the 
scarp of the classic hill of Prabhasa, Allahabad District". 2 
But this description, it will be observed, does not suit the 
pilgrim's account of the neighbourhood of the cave. 

Our pilgrim here, it will be noticed, speaks of the Shili- 
ka-fa or Sakya dharma, that is, the dispensation of Sak- 
yamuni, the system of belief and conduct which he esta- 
blished. The final extinction of this system which was to 
take place in Kosambi is predicted by the Buddha in the 
"Mahamaya sutra". At the end of 1500 years from the 
Buddha's decease a great bhikshu at this city was to kill 
an arhat: the disciples of the latter would avenge the 
murder of their master by the slaughter of the bhikshu. 
The troubles caused by these crimes would lead to the 
destruction of topes and viharas, and finally to the com- 
plete extinction of Buddhism.' As the 1500 years were 
at" the time of the pilgrim's visit about at an end, pious 
Buddhists were distressed at the signs of the near fulfil- 
ment of the prophecy. 

From the Dragon's cave, the pilgrim tells us, he proceeded in 
a north-east direction through a great wood and, after a journey 
of above 700 H, he crossed the Ganges to the north, to the city 
of Ka-she-pu-lo (that is, Kasapura or Kajapura). This was above 
ten li in circuit, and its inhabitants were in good circumstances. 
Close to the city were the ruins of an old monastery where 
Dharmapala had once gained a great victory over the non- 
Buddhists in a public discussion. The discussion had been brought 
about by a former king who wished to destroy Buddhism in the 

1 Seng-ki-lu, ch. 20. 

J J. Ben. A. S. Vol. LVI. p. 31. 

3 Mo-ha-mo-ya-ching, ch. 2 (No. 382). 


country. Beside these ruins was an Asoka tope, of which 200 
feet still remained above ground, to mark the place at which 
the Buddha had once preached for six months, and near this 
were traces of the Buddha's exercise ground and a tope with 
his hair-and-nail relics. 

The name of this city, which is not mentioned in the 
Life, is restored by Julien as Ka^apura. 


From Kasapura, the pilgrim narrates, he went north 170 or 
180 It to the country which he calls Pi (or Ping, or P'i or Fi)- 
sho-ka (that is, perhaps, Visoka). This country was above 4000 li 
in circuit and its chief city was sixteen li in circuit. The grain 
crops of the country were very plentiful, fruit and flowers abound- 
ed, it had a genial climate, and the people had good ways, were 
studious and given to good works. It had aboye twenty Buddhist 
monasteries and 3000 Brethren who were all adherents of the 
Sammatiya School. There were above 50 Deva-Temples and the 
non-Buddhists were very numerous. 

On the east side of the road south of the capital was a large 
monastery. In it the arhat Devajarman composed his • "Shih- 
shen-lun'' in which he denied the Ego and the non-Ego. At 
this place there had also been another arhat by name Gopa, who 
wrote the treatise "Sheng-chiao-yao-shih-lun" (or "Sastra on the 
essential realities of Buddhism"), affirming the existence of the 
Ego and the non-Ego. The opposite doctrines of these two 
great religious philosophers led to serious controversies in the 

The Life, which as we have seen makes Visoka to be 
500 li to the east of Kosambi, places the large monastery 
of this passage on "the left side (east) of the south-east 
road", but tung, "east" is possibly a clerical error for 
ch'Sng, "city". The Life also gives the name of DevaSarman's 
treatise as "Shih-shen-tsu-lun (t|| ^ ^ |j|)", "the sastra 
of the Foot of the Perception Body". "We have the work 
in Yuan-chuang's translation, the title being as in the 
Life with the word Abhidharma prefixed. ^ Its Sanskrit 
title has been restored as "Abhidharma Vijnanakayapada 

• No. 1281. See Bur. Int p. 448: Tar. S. 66 and 396. 


^astra", but its short title, is "Vijnanakaya ^astra" as in 
our pilgrim's translation here. The treatise is one of the 
Six Pada {Tsu) called Abhidharma sutra of the Sarvasti- 
vadin School, and it was considered by the Vaibhashikas 
as canonical, but by the Sautrantikas as only the work of 
a bhikshu. Yuan-chuang, it will be noticed, calls the 
author an arhat, but in other places he is merely a bhik- 
shu or sthavira. The work is a tedious argumentative 
treatise combating the views of a Moginlin who denied 
the reality of the Past and the Future, and arguing against 
other tenets apparently held by other early Buddhists. 
Our pilgrim's statement that it denied the Ego and the 
non-Ego, or "1 and men", is a very unsatisfactory one. 

The treatise by Gopa mentioned in the present passage 
does not seem to be in the Chinese collections of Buddhist 
works, and nothing is known apparently about the author 
or his work. As Deva^arman is supposed to have lived 
about 400, or, according to some, about 100 years after 
the Buddha's decease Gopa must have lived about the 
same time. 

At this large monastery also, Tuan-chnang proceeds to narrate, 
Su-fa (Dharmapala) P'usa once held a discussion for seven days 
with 100 Hinayana sastra-masters and utterly defeated them. 
In this district, moreover, the Buddha lived for six years preach- 
ing and teaching. Near the tope which commemorated his stay 
and work and which stood near the large monastery was a mar- 
vellous tree; it was six or seven feet high. This tree had been 
developed from a tooth-stick which the Buddha after using it 
had cast down. The tooth-stick took root and grew and flou- 
rished, and it still remained a tree in spite of the persistent efforts 
of heretics to cut it down and destroy it. 

The Tooth-stick tree of this passage was above 70 feet 
high according to the Life and the Pang-chih. Fa-hsien, 
it will be remembered, has a similar story about his city 
of Sha-ki, and there the tree, as in our text, was only 
seven feet high. 

Cunningham thinks he proves that the Pi-sho-ka or 
Vi^oka (?) of Yuan-chuang is the Sha-ki (or Sha-ti) of 


Fa-hsien, and the Saketa or Ayodhya of Indian literature.' 
But in his arguments he seems to quite ignore the fact 
that Fa-hsien places Shaki thirteen (not as Legge has hv 
a slip, three) yojanas or' nearly 100 miles in a south-east 
direction from Kanauj and so either at or near Yuan- 
chuang's Ayudha which was 100 miles south-east from 
Kanauj. Then Cunningham makes the name of this city 
to be the same as that of the lady Visakha: but Yuan- 
chuang, like others, transcribes the lady's name by three 
characters different from those which he uses for writing 
the name of this city. Further, from Shaki to Sravasti 
the direction was south and the distance eight yojanas or 
less than 50 miles, while from Visoka to ^ravasti it was 
500 U or about 100 miles in a north-east direction. More- 
over the Life, as has been stated, places Visoka 500 li 
to the east of Kosambi. So, unless we agree with M' V. Smith 
in treating Fa-hsien's distances and directions as mistakes, 
we cannot make Yuan-chuang's Visoka to be Fa-hsien's 
Shaki, but the former may perhaps be taken to represent 
the Saketa of the Buddhist sciiptures. 

The precisely similar stories about the Buddha's tooth- 
stick becoming and remaining a miraculous tree are in 
favour of the identification of Sha-ki and Visoka. But 
they are not enough to prove that the two names denoted 
one city, as such stories were probably invented for several 
l^laces. We have already met with a tooth-stick tree in- 
the early part of the Records, and we are to meet witli a 
third in a future chapter. 

It is not impossil)le that Yuan-chuang made an excursion 
from Kosambi to Kasapura, returned to Kosambi, and 
from the latter continued his journey going east to Visoka. 
This would agree with the account in the Life which does 
not mention Kasapura. M"^ V. Smith thinks that Yuan- 
chuang's Kasapura "may very plausibly be identified with 
the group of ruins centreing round Mohanlalganj" fourteen 
miles south of Lucknow. He adds — "KursI, in the Bara- 

1 A. G. I. p. 401. 


banki District, about 27 miles in a direct line from Mohan- 
lalganj, corresponds admirably in position with ViSakha 
[that is Vi^oka] which was 170 or 180 U (less than 30 
miles) from Kasapura". ' But these proposed identifications 
are not given as strictly accurate, and, as M' Smith ad- 
mits, the identifications must await further researches. 

t op. c. p. 623. 



Sravasti to kusinara. 

From the Visoka district the pilgrim travelled, he tells us, 
above 500 li (about 100 miles) north-east to the Shih-lo-fa-si-ti 
(Sravasti) country. This country was above 6000 li in circuit: 
its "capital" was a wild ruin without anything to define its areas ; 
the old foundations of the "Palace city" were above twenty li 
in circuit, and although it was mostly a ruinous waste yet there 
were inhabitants. The country had good crops, and an equable 
climate: and the people had honest ways and were given to 
learning and fond of good works. There were some hundreds 
of Buddhist monasteries of which the most were in ruins: the 
Brethren, who were very few, were Sammatiyas. There were 
100 Deva-Temples and the non-Buddhists were very numerous. 
This city was in the Buddha's time the seat of government of 
king Frasenajit and the foundations of this king's old paJace 
remained in the old "Palace city". Not far east of these was 
an old foundation on which a small tope had been built: this 
was the site of the large chapel (Preaching Hall) which king 
Frasenajit built for the Buddha. Near the site of the chapel 
was another tope on old foundations: this marked the site of 
the nunnery (ching-shS) of the Buddha's foster-mother, the bhik- 
shuni Prajapatl, erected for her by king Frasenajit. A tope to 
the east of this marked the site of the house of Sudatta the 
Elder (chief of the non-official laymen). At the side of this was 
a tope on the spot where Angolimala gave up his heresy. This 
Angulimala, whose name denotes Finger-garland, was a wicked 
man of Sravasti who harried the city and country, killing people 
and cutting a finger off each person killed, in . order to make 
himself a garland. He was about to kill his own mother in 
order to make up the required number of fingers, when the 
Buddha in compassion proceeded to convert him. Finger-gar- 
land on seeing the Buddha was delighted, as his Brahmin teacher 


had told liim that by killing the Buddha and his own mother 
he would obtain birth in Heaven. So he left his mother for the 
moment, and made a motion to kill the Buddha. But the latter 
kept moving out of reach, and by admonishing the murderer 
led him to repentance and conversion. Finger-garland then was 
admitted into the Order, and by zealous perseverance he attain- 
ed arhatship. 

In this passage the pilgrim, according to his usuaJ prac- 
tice, gives the Sanskrit form of the name of the country 
he describes, viz — Sravasti. This was properly not the 
name of the country, which was Kosala, but of the capi- 
tal of that country. Fa-hsien uses the old and generally 
accepted transcription 8he-wei (^ ^j), perhaps for Sevat 
or Savatthi, and he makes the city so called the Capital 
of Kosala, and eight yojanas south from his Sha-k-iK This 
last name, which may have been Sha-k'i, or Sha-ch'i, or 
Sha-ti, is supposed to represent Saketa, but the restoration 
of the name and the identification of the place are uncer- 
tain. M^ V. Smith would change Fa-hsien's south here to 
north-east and his eight yojanas to eighteen or nineteen 
yojanas, changes which seem' to be quite inadmissible as 
the pilgrim evidently made the journey.^ In the Vinaya 
we find the city of Sravasti stated to be six yojanas from 
Saket, and the former is apparently to the east of the 
latter. 3 

The site of the Sravasti of the present passage was 
long ago confidently identified by Cunningham with that of 
"the great ruined city on the south bank of the Rapti, 
called Sahet-Mahet" in which he discovered a colossal 
statue of the Buddha with an inscription containing the 
name "Sravasti"! This identification has been accepted 
and defended by other investigators, but there are several 
strong reasons for setting it aside. ^ These are set forth 

1 Fo-kuo-chi, ch. 20. 

2 J. E. A. S. 1898. p. 523. 

3 Vin. Mah. VII. In another Vinaya treatise (Seng-ki-lii, ch. 11) 
from Sravasti to Sha-M is a two days' journey for Upali. 

* Arch. Sur. India Vol. I. p. 330, XI. p. 78: A. G. I. p. 409. Set 
Mahet by W. Hoey, J. A. S. Bengal Vol. LXI (Extra number): An an- 


by M'^ V. Smith who, after careful study and personal exa- 
mination of the districts, has come to the conclusion that 
the site of Sravasti is in the district of Khajura in Nepal, 
a short distance to the north of Balapur and not far from 
Nepalganj in a north-north-east direction.* But this pro- 
posed identification also has its difficulties, and must await 
further developments. No discoveries have been made to 
support the identification, but there seems to be the usual 
supply of mounds and ruins. 

The terms rendered in this passage by "capital" and 
"palace-city" are respectively tu-ch'eng (fp ^ and kung- 
ch'Sng ('g ^). But by the term tu-ch^Sng here we are to 
understand "the district of the capital", what is called in 
other books "the Sravasti country" as distinguished from 
"the Kosala country". Kimg-ch^eng here is taken by Julien 
to mean "the palace", and by Beal to mean "the walls 
enclosing the royal precincts". But we must take the 
term in this passage to denote "the walled city of Sra- 
vasti". That this is its meaning in our text is clear from 
what follows, and from the corresponding passages in the 
Life and the Fang-chih, and the description in the Fo- 
kuo-chi. In these treatises the words tu, tu-ch'$ng, and 
ch'eng, all used in the sense of capital, are the equivalents 
of our pilgrim's kung-ch^eng. His usual term for the chief 
city of a country is ta-tu-ch'eng, and he seems to use tu- 
cW^ng here in a peculiar sense. It has been suggested 
by a learned and intelligent native scholar that the tu- 
ch'eng of this passage denotes the towns and cities of 
Kosala which were inferior and subordinate to the capi- 
tal, the kung-ch'eng. The tu-ch'eng of ancient China were 
the cities which were the official residences of the sub- 
ordinate feudal chiefs whose sovereign reigned at the royal 
capital. According to this interpretation the pilgrim states 
that the other cities of the country were in such utter de- 

cient inscribed statue from Sravasti, byTh. Bloch Ph.D. (J.A. S. Bengal 
Vol. LXVII. p. 274) 

1 op. c. p. 527, and J. E. A, S. 1900 Art. I. 


solation that their boundaries could not be defined; but 
the capital, though also in ruins, had old foundations by 
which its area could be ascertained. But it is perhaps 
better to take tu-ch%ng here as meaning "the Sravasti 

The pilgrim here tells us that Sravasti had some hun- 
dreds of Buddhist monasteries, very many of which were 
in ruins. This statement as to the number of Buddhist 
monasteries in the district is not in agreement with other 
accounts which represent Sravasti as having only two or 
three Buddhist establishments. It will be noticed that 
Yuan-chuang mentions by name only one monastery, viz — 
the great one of the Jetavana. Fa-hsien, however, tells of 
98 (in some texts 18) monasteries, all except one occupied, 
being round the Jetavana vihara. The translation which 
our pilgrim gives for the name Prasenajit (in Pali, Pase- 
nadi) is SMng-chun (J^ |f) or "Overcoming army". I- 
ching, who transcribes the king's name as in the text and 
also by F'o-se-ni (-Jg ^ g), gives our pilgrim's translation 
and another rendering, shing-Jcuang (|^ ^)J The latter 
means "Excelling brightness", and the name is said to 
have been given to the son born to Brahmadatta king of 
Kosala on the morning of the birth of the Buddha, on 
account of the supernatural brightness which then appeared. 
Another rendering for the name transcribed P^o-se-ni is 
Ho-yue (jfu >^) which means cheerful, liappy-looking.'^ The 
two latter translations seem to require as their original a 
derivative from prasad (the Pali pasidati), and the tran- 
scription P'o-se-wi, which is the one in general use, seems 
to point to a dialectic variety like Pasenid. 

Of the old sites in ^ravasti of which our pilgrim here 
tells us, the nunnery, the house of Sudatta, and the place 
of Angulimala's conversion are mentioned by Pa-hsien. 
But the earlier pilgrim does not seem to have known of 

> Sar. Vin. Tsa-shih, ch. 20; Rockhill's Life p. 16. 
2 Shih-erh-yu-ohing (No. 1374) 


or seen the remains of the king's palace or those of the 
chapel built by the king for the Buddha. 

In Julien's translation of the last paragraph in the 
above account of the ancient sites of Sravasti city we have 
one of his mischievous glosses, which has been, as usual, 
followed and adopted by others. He translates — "Ce fut 
en cet endroit qu'[un des sectaires appel6s] Yang-kiu-li- 
ino-lo (Angouli-malyas), abjura ses erreurs". There is no- 
thing in the text to warrant the words which I have put 
within square brackets. If Julien had known the story 
he would not have written thus, nor of "les Aiigoulima- 
lyas", and "des scelerats du royaume de QrSvasti" in the 
continuation. The pilgrim's narrative tells of only one man 
who had obtained the Hi-sounding nick-name AnguUmala 
or Finger-garland. As the pilgrim knew the story this 
man was only a cmel murderer of Sravasti who cut off a 
finger from each person he killed, and strung the fingers 
into a garland. He also wanted to kill his own mother 
and the Buddha to secure him rebirth in Heaven. 

The story of this terrible murderer is told more fully 
and with several vairiations of detail in other books. In 
some versions of the story the original name of the man 
was Ahimsaka or Innocent, in Chinese Wu-nao {M \^) or 
Inoffensive. He was at first- a brahmin student of mar- 
vellous bodily and mental powers, and he was the disciple 
of a celebrated master. This master had a wife fair and 
frail, and Ahimsaka was falsely accused by her of having 
made an attack on her virtue. Fearing to lay violent 
hands on the troublesome clever disciple the jealous master 
thought to get rid of him by a terrible task. So he en- 
joined on Ahimsaka the necessity of attaining.. to immor- 
tality by abstinence from all food for a week, and within 
that period collecting 1000 fingers from as many human 
beings, whom he was to slay with a certain sword. The 
disciple very reluctantly undertook the task, and went 
about killing people and cutting off a finger from each 
person he killed, until he had obtained 999 fingers. At 
this stage his mother having come to him with food he 


was about to kill her, in order to complete his tale, when 
the Buddha appeared on the scene. The misguided youth 
soon yielded to Buddha's power, was converted and ordain- 
ed, and rapidly attained arhatship. ' In some of the 
Buddhist Scriptures Einger-garland is merely a cruel 
highwayman robbing and murdering, and rendering the 
roads impassable. The Buddha goes to the district in- 
fested by the murderer, and he goes unattended moved 
by great compassion: he meets with the murderer, calls 
on him to stay in his evil course and give way to his good 

Our pilgrim and Fa-hsien, we have seen, found within 
Sravasti city a memorial of the place where this Finger- 
garland had been converted, and sanctified, and beatified. 
But this is against the general testimony of the Buddhist 
writings. According to these the murders were commit- 
ted and the sudden conversion effected in the country 
beyond Sravasti', or at a place very nearly ten yojanas 
from that city*, or in the Angutala country s, or in the 
land of Magadha.6 

The pilgrim proceeding with his description relates as 
follows — 

"Five or six li south of the city is the Slie-to wood (Jetavana) 
which is the kei-ku-tu-^uan (Anathapindadarama) the temple 
■which king Prasenajit's great Minister Sudatta erected for the 
Buddha: formerly it. was a sangharama (monastery), now it is in 
desolate ruin." 

According to Fa-hsien the Jetavana vihara was 1200 pu 
(paces) outside the south gate of Sravasti, on the west 
side of the road, with a gate opening to the east, that is, 

1 M. B. p. 257. Hsien-yii-ohing, ch. 11, and Der "Weise u. d. T. 
S. 300: Ang-ku-mo-ching (No. 621) where the student has to collect 
100 fingers: Tseng-yi-a-han-ching, cA. 31. 

2 Rhys Davids Questions of Milinda in S. B. E. Vol. XXXVI, 
p. 356: J. P. T. S. for 1888 p. 2: Fo-shuo-Ang-ku-chi-ching (No. 622). 

' Fo-shuo-ang-ku-chi-ching. 

* Ang-ku-mo-lo-ching (No. 434). 

B Tsa-a-han-ching, ch. 38 (Ang-ku-to-lo -^ U ^ ^)- 

' Pie-yi- tsa-a-han-ching, ch. 1. 


toward the highway. The 1200 pu of this account made 
above 5000 feet, and so the two pilgrims are in substantial 
agreement as to the situation of the Jetavana monastery. 
In other accounts this establishment is represented as 
being at a convenient distance from the city of Sravasti', 
but Nagarjuna seems to describe it as having beeji within 
•the city.2 The term here, as before, rendered "temple" 
is ching-she, and Yuan-chuang seems to use it in this 
passage in the sense of "vihara". This is the sense in 
which the term is commonly used by the early Chinese 
Buddhist writers and translators. Thus Pa-hsien calls the 
great establishment now under notice the C'hi-huan (for 
Jetavana)-c7iiw5'-s7ie. In our text this term is evidently 
used as the equivalent of drama, in the sense of 
monastery, and covers all the buildings of the great esta- 

The name "Sudatta" is translated by our pilgrim Shan- 
shih (^ Jil) or ""Well-bestowed" (also interpreted as "Good- 
giver"), and his Jcei-Jcu-tu is the old and common rendering 
for Anathapipdada. Yuan-chuang here calls Sudatta a 
"high official" (ta-ch'en ^^ g.), and this title is applied 
to the man by other writers 3, but he was onlji a setthi 
or Householder. He had been engaged in trade, and had 
enormous wealth; he is said to have been a butcher, but 
this is probably a late invention. 

At the east gate of the Jetavana monastery were two stone 
pillars, one on each side of the entrance: these, which were 70 
feet high, had been erected by king Asoka; the pillar on the 
left side was surmounted by a sculptured wheel and that on the 
right side by an ox. 

The statement in this paragraph agrees precisely with 
Fa-hsien's account of the two pillars. Julien's rendering 
of it is inexplicable and Seal's is not correct. 

1 See the She-wei-kuo-Ch'i-huan-ssu-t'u-ching {^ ^j P jji|E; \'B 
^ MM)i Ssii-fen-lu, ch. 50; Seng-ki-lii, ch. 23. 

* Fu-kai-cheng-hsing-so-chi-ching, ch. 4: Tseng-yi-a-han-ching, 
ah. 33. 

3 e. g. in Hsien-yii-ching, ch. 10. 


Oa the site of the Jetavana monastery the pilgrim found only 
one building standing in solitary loneliness. This building was 
the brick shrine which contained the image of the Buddha made 
for king Prasenajit. This image, which was five feet high, was 
a copy of that made for king Udayana of Kosambi already 

This shrine was also the only building which Pa-hsien 
found in the Jetavana, and according to him it was the 
image in it which came from its pedestal to meet the 
Euddha on his return from the Trayastriip^a Heaven, and 
which was to serve as a model for all future images of 
the Buddha. 

We have next Yuan-chuang's version of the oft-told 
story how the Jetavana, and the Anathapindada arama 
came into the possession of the Buddhists. 

The setthi Sudatta, noted for his munificent charity, wished 
to build a vihgira for the Buddha whom he invited to visit him 
at his home in Sravasti. Buddha sent Sariputra as an expert 
to act as manager in the matter for Sudatta. The only suitable 
site that could, be found near Sravasti was the Park of Prince 
Jeta. When the Elder asked the prince to sell his park the 
prince said joking — "Yes, for as many gold coins as will cover 
it". This answer delighted Sudatta, and he at once proceeded 
to coter the ground with gold coins from his treasury (not as 
Julien has it, from the tresor royal). When all the ground ex- 
cept a small piece was covered the prince "asked Sudatta to 
desist, saying — "The Buddha truly is an excellent field, it is 
meet I sow good seed" : so on the uncovered ground he erected 
a temple". Then the Buddha said to Ananda that as the ground 
of the park had been bought by Sudatta, and the trees had been 
given by Prince Jeta, the two men having like intentions, their 
merits should be respected and the place spoken of as "Jeta's 
trees Anathapindada's arama". 

In Julien's rendering of this passage he makes the pil- 
grim represent Sudatta as wnaMe to cover all the Park 
with gold, but this is not in the text. Then Julien trans- 
lates the words Fo-ch'eng-liang-t'ien (f^ gi K ffl) ^7 — 
"O'est, en verite, I'excellent champ du Bonddha", but this 
is not at all the meaning of the expression. The words 
state plainly that the Buddha is an "excellent field" or 
generous soil, and this sort of expression is of veiy com- 


mon occurrence in the Buddhist Scriptures. To give alms 
of food or clothing, or do any service to Buddhas, P'usas, 
or eminent monks or nuns, was to sow good s^ed in good 
ground, the crop to he reaped either in this life or in 
one to come. Hence the heings to whom such meritorious 
services are rendered are called "excellent fields", and of 
these the most "excellent field" always is the Buddha. In 
the present case the Prince wished to share in the reward 
which Sudatta would have, and in order to secure this 
result he remitted a portion of the price for the ground 
and built a "temple" (ching-sM) for the Buddha on the 
space unoccupied by gold coins. Some other accounts 
represent Jeta as refusing _to sell even for as many gold 
coins as would cover the park; and when Sudatta claims 
that the mention of a sum makes a bargain, and Jeta 
maintains it does not, the Judges to whom the matter is 
referred decide against the Prince. This last is also re- 
presented as contributing a porch or vestibule to Sudatta's 
vihara, and in no case is he described as building the 
whole monastery, i The statement which Yuan-chuang here 
makes the Buddha address to Ananda about the trees 
having been given by the Prince, and the ground purchas- 
ed by Sudatta, is a stupid invention to account for the 
common way of designating the vihara in Chinese trans- 
lations. It was not the pilgrim, however, who invented 
the story, as it is found in other accounts of the trans- 
action. 2 

The original Jetavana monastery, which was probably 
neither very large nor substantial and was not well pro- 
tected, was destroyed by fire in the Buddha's lifetime.^ 
After the death of Sudatta the place was neglected as 
there was no one to look after the grounds and buildings. 
A new vihara was afterwards built on a greater scale but 
this also was burnt to the ground. At one time, we read, 

> Ssu-fen-lu 1. c; Chung-hsii-ching, ch. 11 (No. 859). 

2 e. g. in Fo-shuo-Po-ohing-ch'ao (No. 379). 

3 Shih-sung-lu, ch. 61. 



the place was utterly abandoned by the Buddhist Brethren 
and was used as the king's stables, but the buildings were 
again rebuilt and reoccupied by Buddhist monks. In its 
palmy days, before its final destruction and abandonment, 
the Jetavana monastery must have been a very large and 
magnificent establishment. We may believe this without 
accepting all the rather legendary descriptions of it still 
extant. Some authorities give the extent of the Park as 
80 ching or about 130 square acres.' Others tell us that 
the grounds were about ten li (or two miles) in length by 
above 700 pii (paces) in with, and that they contained 
120 buildings, or even several hundred houses of various 
kinds. 2 There were chapels for preaching and halls for 
meditation, messrooms and chambers for the monks, 
bathhouses, a hospital, libraries and reading-rooms, with 
pleasant shady tanks, and a great wall encompassing all. 
The Libraries were richly furnished, not only with ortho- 
dox literature but also with Vedic and other non- Bud- 
dhistic works, and with treatises on the arts and sciences 
taught in India at the time. The monastery was also well 
situated, being conveniently near the city, and yet away 
from the distracting sights and noises of the streets. 
Moreover the Park afforded a perfect shade, and was a 
delightful place for walking in during the heat and glare 
of the day; it had streams and tanks of clear cool water; 
it was also free from noxious stinging creatures; and it 
was a favourite resort of the good and devotional people 
of all religions. The native beauties and advantages of 
the place had been greatly improved by its first Buddhist 
occupants, for the Buddha directed his disciples to plant 
trees in the grounds and by the roadside. He also caused 
the grounds to be protected from goats and cattle, and 
had a supply of water brought in by artificial means. * 

' Fo-aliuo-Poh-ching-ch'ao. 

2 She-wei-kuo-Ch'i-huan-ssii-t'u-ching: Sliih-urh-yu-ching (No. 1374 
tr. A. D. 392). 

' Seu-fen-lu, ch 50. 


Continuing his description Yuan-chuang tells us that at the 
north-east of the Anathapindadarama was a tope to mark the 
spot at which the Buddha washed a sick bhikshu. This was a 
Brother who was suffering pain and livinff in isolation. The 
Master seeing him asked him what was his mjilady and why 
he was living alone. The Brother replied — I am of an indolent 
disposition and intolerant of medical treatment, so I am now 
very ill and have no one to attend on me. Then the Buddha 
was moved with pity and said to him — Good sir, I am now 
your medical attendant. Thereupon he stroked the patient with 
his hand, and all the man's ailments were cured. The Buddha 
then bore him outside the chamber, changed his bed, washed 
him and dressed him in clean clothes, and told him to be zealous 
and energetic. Hearing this the Brother felt grateful and be- 
came happy in mind and comfortable in body. 

This story is related in several of the Buddhist Scrip- 
tures with some variations of detail. According to the 
Vinaya, and some other authorities, the Buddha and'An- 
anda one day going the rounds of the Jetavana establish- 
ment found a Brother lying in a chamber apart from all 
the others, and suffering from a troublesome and tmpleas- 
ant malady. The sick man, who was apparently quite 
helpless, explained to Buddha that the Brethren left him 
to himself because he had been useless to them. This 
means that he had been a selfish lazy man refusing to 
help others or do his proper share of work. In the Vinaya 
the incident is made the occasion of the Buddha drawing 
up rules for the care to be taken of a sick bhikhshu by 
the Brethren.! In one book the Buddha is represented 
as telling the neglected sick Brother that his present mis- 
fortunes were the result of ill conduct in a previous exis- 
tence.2 In two treatises .the scene of the incident is laid 
at Rajagaha, and these have other differences of detail. 3 
To the north-west of the arama, we are next told, was a small 

tope which marked the spot at which Maudgala-putra (Maud- 

1 Vin^ Mah. VIII, 26: Seng-ki-lu, ch. 28. See also the story in 
Vibhasha-lun, ch. 11 (scene not given). 

2 Fo-shuo-sheng-ohing, eh. 3 (No. 669 tr. A. D. 285). 

3 Tseng-yi-a-han-ching, ch. 40; P'u-sa-pen-sheng-man-lun, ch. 4 
(No. 1312 tr. cir. A. D. 970). 



galyayana or Moggallano) made an ineffectual attempt to raise 
the girdle (or. belt) of Sariputra against the will of the latter. 
Once, the pilgrim relates, -when the Buddha -was at the Anava- 
tapta Lake witl^a congregation of men and devas he discovered 
that Sariputra was absent, and he sent Maudgalaputra through 
the air to summon him to the meeting. In a trice Maudgala- 
putra was in the Jetavana Vihara where he found Sariputra 
mending his canonical robes. When the Master's request was 
communicated to him Sariputra said he would go as soon as 
his mending was finished, but Maudgalaputra threatened to carry 
him. off by his supernormal powers. Sariputra then cast his 
girdle on the floor and challenged his friend to lift it. Maud- 
galaputra tried all his magical powers ; but although he produced 
an earthquake he could not move the girdle. So he went back 
alone through the air to Buddha, and on his arrival found Sari- 
putra already seated in the congregation. Thereupon Maudgala- 
Jjutra declared that he had learned from this occurrence that the 
potency of riddhi (possession of supernormal physical powers) 
was inferior to that of prajna (spiritual intuition or transcen- 
dental wisdom). 

This little story is told in several Buddhist treatises with 
considerable additions. In the "Tseng-yi-a-han-ching"i it 
is the Dragon-king of the Anavatapta Lake who misses 
Sariputra from the congregation, and asks Buddha to send 
for him. Here the legend is given with ridiculous wild 
exaggerations and, as in Yuan-chuang's version, there is 
the presence of an unfriendly feeling between the two great 
disciples. In the ''Ta-chih-tu-lun"2 the Buddha and his 
arhats are assembled at the Anavatapta Lake for the pur- 
pose of hearing jatakas told, and Sariputra is missed. 
Maudgalyayana is sent to bring him, and in order to hasten 
matters he finishes the mending of Sariputra's garment 
by magic, a procedure which suggests to Sariputra the 
idea of the trial of prajna against riddhi. When Maud- 
galyayana saw that he could not even lift his friend's 
girdle from the ground against the owner's will, he knew 
it was useless to think of taking the man himself by the 
ear, or the shoulder, through the air to the Anavatapta 

t Ch. 29. 
3 Ch. 45. 


Lake. The Buddha used this incident, as he used certain 
other events, to teach the superiority of high spiritual 
attainments over the possession of great magical powers. 

Near the "Raising-the girdle Tope", the pUgrim proceeds, -was 
a well from which water had been drawn for the use of the 
Buddha. Close to it was an Asoka tope containing a relic of 
the Buddha, and there were in the vicinity, at places where he 
took exercise and preached, memorial topes at which there were 
miraculous manifestations with divine music and fragrance. At a 
short distance behind the Jetavana monastery was the place at 
which certain non-Buddhist BrShmacharins slew a harlot in order 
to bring reproach on the Buddha. These men, as Yuan-chuang's 
story goes, hired this harlot to attend the Buddha's discourses 
and thus become known to all. Then they secretly killed her 
and buried her body in the Park. Having done this they pro- 
ceeded to appeal to the king for redress, and he oi'dered investi- 
gation to be made. When the body was discovered at the mo- 
nastery the heretics exclaimed that the great Sramana Gautama, 
who was always talking of morality and gentleness, after having 
had illicit intercourse with the woman had murdered her to 
prevent her from talking. But thereupon the devas in the air 
cried out that this was a slander of the heretics. 

Fa-hsien and other authorities give the name of the un- 
fortunate harlot of this story as Sundari. This, it will be 
remembered, was the name of the fair charmer who once 
led astray a wise and holy ascetic. The word means 
heautiful woman, and it is rendered in some Chinese trans- 
lations by Hao-shou or " Good-Head", i The woman of 
oiu" story is also called Sundaranandi,^ which is the name 
of a nun in the primitive Euddhist church. She is re- 
presented as the disciple (and apparently, the mistress) of 
one of the old non-Buddhist teachers of Kosala (or of 
another district). Seeing these teachers distressed at the 
growing preeminence of Gautama Buddha, she suggested 
to them the expedient here described for ruining Gautama 
and restoring her master and the other teachers to their 
former position of influence. But some authorities like 
Yuan-chuang and Fa-hsien represent the harlot as having 

1 Fo-shuo-yi-tsu-ohing, ch. 1 (No. 674). 

2 P'u-sa-ch'u-t'ai-ching, ch. 7 (No.. 433). 

390 devadatta's pit. 

been forced by the Brahmins to attend the Buddha's ser- 
mons, and afterwards submit to be murdered. According 
to one account the Buddha had in ages before been an 
actor, and the woman a harlot at the same time and in 
the same place: the actor had then killed the harlot for 
her ornaments, and buried her body at the hermitage of 
a Pratyeka Buddha.' In another old story this Sundarl 
had been in a former birth a wicked queen, and the 
Buddha had been the wise and faithful servant of the 
king her husband.2 

Continuing his narrative the pilgrim states that above 100 paces 
to the east of the Jetavana monastery was a deep pit through which 
Devadatta, for having sought to kill the Buddha by poison, went 
down alive into Hell. Devadatta, the son of Su-fan-wang ("Peok- 
food-king"), had in the course of twelve years by zealous per- 
severance acquired the 80,000 compendia of doctrine; and after- 
wards, for the sake of its material advantages, he had sought to 
attain supernormal power. He associated with the irreligious 
(lit. wicked friends) and reasoned with them thus — "I have all 
the outward signs of the Buddha except two, a great Congrega- 
tion attends me, and I am as good as the Ju-lai". Putting these 
thoughts in practice he broke up the Brotherhood (that is, by 
alluring disciples from the Buddha to himself). But Maudgalya- 
putra and Sariputra, under Buddha's instructions and by his 
power, won the strayed Brethren back. Devadatta, however, kept 
his evil mind, put poison in his finger-nails with a view to 
kill Buddha in the act of doing him reverence, and fared as in 
the story. 

The temporary "breaking up" of the Brotherhood insti- 
tuted by Gautama Buddha by the schism caused by his 
cousin Devadatta is a famous incident in the history of 
the primitive Buddhist Church. The story of the schism 
is narrated in several books at greater or less length and 
with a few variations of detail. ^ According to some 
accounts there were 500 weak young Brethren seduced 
from the Buddha by Devadatta, and after a short time 

1 Hsing-ch'i-hsing-ching (No. 733). 

2 Fo-shuo-Poh-ching-ch'ao. 

3 Vin. Chul. VII. B; Rockhill Life p. 94; Dh. p, 145; Ssu-fen-lu, 
ch 46. 


brought back again by Saripiitra and Maud galyay ana. 
These BOO men then misled by the great schismatic had 
been his dupes many ages before. In one of their former 
births they had all been monkeys forming a band of 500 
with a chief who was Devadatta in his monkey existence. 
On the advice of their chief these simple monkeys set 
themselves to draw the moon out of a well, and were all 
drowned in the attempt by the breaking of the branch by 
which they were swinging. ^ 

It is worthy of note in connection with Yuan-chuang's 
description that Fa-hsien did not see any p^t here. The 
latter describes the spots at which the wicked woman and 
Devadatta went down into Hell as having marks of identi- 
fication given to them by men of subsequent times. The 
design and attempt to murder the Buddha by poison here 
described by Yuan-chuang are mentioned also by Fa-hsien, 
and they are found in the Tibetan texts translated by 
M' E.ockhill,2 but they are not in all the accounts of 
Devadatta's proceedings. The great learning and possession 
of magical powers here ascribed to Devadatta are men- 
tioned in some of the canonical works, and his claim to 
be the equal of his cousin in social and religious quali- 
fications is also given. 3 But his abrupt bodily descent 
into Hell is generally ascribed to other causes than merely 
the abortive attempt to poison the Buddha. 

Our pilgrim here, as we have seen, calls Devadatta's 
father Hu-fan-wang which is a literal rendering of Drono- 
danaraja. This Dronodanaraja was a brother of king 
Suddhodana the father of Gautama Buddha. By a strange 
slip of the pen Julien makes the pilgrim here describe 
Devadatta as "le fils du roi Ho-'wang'\ and the mistake is 
of course repeated by others. We are to meet with this 
troublesome man Devadatta again in the Records. 

1 Seng-ki-lu, ch. 7. 

2 Eockhill Life p. 107. 

3 Shih-sung-lii, ch. 36; Ts6ng-yi-a-han-ohing, ch. 47; Abhi-ta-vib., 
ch. 116. 


To the south of Devadatta's fosse, Yuan-chuang continues, 
was another pit through which the bhikshu Ku-ka-B (Kokalika) 
having slandered the Buddha went down alive into Hell. 

This man Kok9.1ika is better known as a partisan of 
Devadatta than as an enemy of the Buddha. He was, we 
learn from other sources, an unscrupulous friend and fol- 
lower of Devadatta, always praising his master and call- 
ing right wrong and wrong right in agreement with him. 
They had met in a former state of existence when Koka- 
lika was a crow and Devadatta a jackal. The latter had 
scented the corpse of an unburied eunuch, and had nearly 
devoured its flesh, when the hungry crow, eager to get 
bones to pick, praised and flattered the jackal in fulsome 
lying phrases. To these the latter replied in a similar 
strain, and their feigning language brought on them a re- 
buke from a rishi who was the P'usa.* 

Still farther south above 800 paces, the pilgrim proceeds, was 
a third deep pit or trench. By this Chan-che, the Brahmin 
woman, for having calumniated the Buddha, passed alive into 
Hell. Yuan-chuang then teUs his version of the story of Chan- 
che whom he calls a disciple of the Non-Buddhists. In order 
to disgrace and ruin Gautama, and bring her masters into repute 
and popularity, she fastened a wooden basin under her clothes 
in front. Then she went to the Jetavana monastery and openly 
declared that she was with child, illicitly, to the preacher, and 
that the child in her womb was a Sakya. She was believed by 
all the heretics; but the orthodox knew she was speaking slander. 
Then Indra, as a rat, exposed the wicked trick, and the woman 
went down to "Unremitting Hell" to bear her retribution. 

The loyal bad woman of this story, called by the pil- 
grim "Chan-che the Brahmin woman", is the Cfhincha-md- 
navilcd of the Pali Scriptures*. This Pali name may also 
be the original for the Chan-che-mo-na of Fa-hsien and 
others, another form of transcription of the name being 
Chan-che-mo-na-k'i with nil, "woman", added.' But we 
find the original name translated by Pao-chik (^ ^) or 

1 Fo-shuo-sheng-ching, ch. 3; Sar. Vin. P'o-seng-shlh, ch. 18. 
» Dh.p. 338; Jat. 3.298; 4.187. Chinch! in Hardy M. B. p. 284. 
» P'u-sa-ch'ii-t'ai-ching, ch. 7. 


"Fierce-minded", that is, Chan^amana, which was. apparently 
the early form of the name.* In a Chinese translation of 
a Buddhist work the woman is designated simply the 
"Many-tongued "Woman". 2 According to one authority she 
was a disciple of the Tirthika teacher KeSakambala, and 
it was at the instigation of this teacher that she pretend- 
ed to be with child to the Buddha in the manner here 
described. Another version of the story, and perhaps the 
earliest one, makes Chan-che (or Chanda) a Buddhist nun 
led astray by evil influences. When her trick with the 
basin is discovered she is sentenced to be buried alive, 
but the Buddha intercedes for her, and she is only banish- 
ed. Then the Buddha gives a very satisfactory explana- 
tion of the woman's conduct. She had come in contact 
with him long ago in his existence as a dealer in pearls, 
and he had then incurred her resentment. They had also 
met in another stage of their previous lives when the 
P'usa was a monkey, and Chanche was the relentless wife 
of the Turtle (or the Crocodile) and wanted to eat the 
monkey's liver. So her desire to inflict injury on the 
Buddha was a survival from a very old enmity. * The 
Pali accounts and Fa-hsien agree with Yuan-chuang in 
representing Chan-che as going down alive into Hell, but, 
as has been stated, Fa-hsien differs from Yuan-chuang in 
not making mention of the pit by which she was said to 
have passed down.* 

The narrative next tells us that 60 or 70 paces to the east of 
the Jetavana Monastery was a temple {ehing-she) above sixty 
feet high which contained a sitting image of the Buddha with 
his face to the east. At this place the Julai had held discussion 
with the Tirthikas (wai-tao). To the east of this ching-sM was 
a Deva-Temple of the same dimensions which was shut out from 
the western sun in the evening by the Buddhist temple, while 

1 Fo-shuo-sheng-ching, ch. 1 (Here Chan-cfte is a nun). 

' Hsing-ch'i-hsing-ching, ch. 1. 

5 Fo-shuo-sheng-ching, eh. 1: Jataka (tr. Chalmers) Vol. I. p. 142. 

♦ In some of the books e. g. in the Ch'u-t'ai-ching and the Fo- 
shuo-sheng-ching the woman does not undergo any punishment; in 
the former treatise moreover the occurrence takes place at YesSli. 


the latter in the morning was not deprived of the rays of the 
sun by the Deva-Temple. 

Fa-hsien also saw these two temples, and he has given 
a similar account of them. But he applies the name 
Ying-fu {§^ ^) or "Shadow Cover" to the Deva-temple 
while Yuan-chuang gives it to the Buddha-temple: in the 
former case the term means Overshadoived and in the 
latter it means Overshadowing. 

Three or four li east from the Overshadowing Temple, Yuan- 
chuang continues, was a tope at the place where Sariputta had 
discussed with the Tirthikas. When Sariputta came to Sravasti 
to help Sudatta in founding his monastery the six non-Buddhist 
teachers challenged him to a contest as to magical powers and 
Sariputta excelled his competitors. 

The contest of this passage took place while Sariputta 
was at Sravasti assisting Sudatta in the construction of 
the great monastery. But the competition was not with 
the "six great teachers": it was with the chiefs of the 
local sects, who wished to have the young and successful 
rival in religion excluded from the district. In our passage 
it will be noted that the pilgrim writes of Sariputta dis- 
cussing with the non-Buddhists, and this seems to be ex- 
plained as meaning that he fought them on the point of 
magical powers. This is in agreement with the story as 
told in some of the Buddhist books. All the leading oppo- 
nents of the Buddha were invited to meet Sariputta at 
an open discussion: they came and when all were seated 
the spokesman of the Brahmins, Red-eye by name, was 
invited to state the subject of discussion.^ He thereupon 
intimated that he wished to compete with Sariputta in 
the exhibition of magical powers: this was allowed and the 
result was that Sariputta came off conqueror. 

Beside the Sariputra Tope was a temple {ddng-she) in front 
of which was a tope to the Buddha. It was here that the Buddha 

' Chung-hsii-ching, ch. 12; Rockhill Life p. 48. This tope to Sari- 
putra is not mentioned by Pa-hsien; it is perhaps the tope to Sari- 
putra in the .Tetavana pointed out to Asoka in the Divyiiv. p. 394; 
A-yii-wang-chuan, ch. 2. 


worsted his religious opponents in argument, and received Mother 
Visakha's invitation: 

The spot at which the Buddha silenced his proud and 
learned opponents at Sravasti was supposed to have been 
marked by a special tope. This was one of the Eight 
Great Topes, already referred to, associated with the 
Buddha's career. We cannot regard the tope of this 
paragraph, or the temple of a previous passage, as the 
celebrated Great Tope of Sravasti.' 

Of the lady here called "Mother Visakha" we have to 
make mention presently. The invitation or request here 
mentioned was probably connected with the Hall she made 
for the Buddha and his disciples. 2 

To the south of the Accepting-invitation Tope, the pilgrim 
proceeds, was the place at which king Virudhaka, on his way 
to destroy the Sakyas, saw the Buddha, and turned back with his 
army. When Virudhaka ascended the throne, Yuan-chuang re- 
lates, he raised a great army and set out on the march [from 
Sravasti to Kapilavastu] to avenge a former insult. A bhikshu 
reported the circumstance to the Buddha; who thereupon left 
Sravasti, and took his seat under a dead tree by the roadside. 
When the king came up he recognized Buddha, dismounted, and 
paid him lowly reverence. He then asked the Buddha why he 
did not go for shade to a tree with leaves and branches. "My 
clan are my branches and leaves", replied Buddha, "and as they 
are in danger what shelter can I have?" The king said to him- 
self — "The Lord is taking the side of his relatives — let me 
return". So he looked on Buddha moved with compassion, and 
called his army. home. 

Near this place, the pilgrim goes on, was a tope to mark the 
spot at which 500 Sakya maidens were dismembered by this 
same king's orders. When Viradhaka had taken his revenge on 
the Sakyas he selected 500 of their maidens for his harem. But 

• Dr. Hoey proposes to identify the ching-sht with its tope of 
this passage with "the ruins named Baghaha Bari" near Sahet Mahet, 
and he thinks that this may be the site of "Visakha's Purvarama". 
But this is quite impossible, and the pilgrim does not note, as 
Dr. Hoey says he does, that the ching-sM was "in strict dependence 
on the Sangharama (of the Jetavana)", op. c. p. 38. 

J Or the request which the Buddha accepted may have been 
Mother Visakha's petition to be allowed to present robes to the Brethren. 


these young ladies were haughty, and refused to go, "abusing th« 
king as the son of a slave" {li-ch'i-wang-chia-jen-ehih-tzU 
"S S !£ ^ A ^ '^)' When the king learned what they 
had done, he was wroth, and ordered that them aidens should be 
killed by mutilation. So their hands and feet were cut of}', and 
their bodies were thrown into a pit. While the maidens were in 
the agonies of dying they called on the Buddha, and he heard 
them. Telling his disciples to bring garments (that is, for the 
naked maidens) he went to the place of execution. Here he 
preached to the dying girls on the mysteries of his religion, on 
the binding action of the five desires, the three ways of trans- 
migration, the separation from the loved, and the long course of 
births and deaths. The maidens were purified and enlightened 
by the Buddha's teaching, and they all died at the same time 
and were reborn in Heaven. Indra in the guise of a Brahmin 
had their bodies and members collected, and cremated, and men 
afterwards erected the tope at the place. 

Not far from this tope, the pilgrim tells us, was a large dried- 
up pond, the scene of Yirudhaka's extinction. The Buddha 
had predicted that at the end of seven days from the time of 
the prophecy the king would perish by 'fire. When it came to 
the seventh day the king made up a pleasure party by water 
and remained in his barge with the ladies of his harem on the 
water in order to escape the predicted fate. But his precautions 
were in vain, and on that day a fierce fire broke out on his 
barge, and the king went alive through blazes into the Hell of 
unintermitting torture. 

We are to meet with this king Virudjiaka again presently 
in connection with his sack of Kapilavastu. Fa-hsien, with- 
out mentioning the dead tree, makes the place at which 
the Buddha waited for Virudhaka to have been four li 
to the south-east of Sravasti city and he says there was 
a tope at the spot. In Buddha's reply to the king about 
his kindred being branches and leaves there was probably 
in the original a pun on the words Sakkha, a branch, and 
Sakya. By the answer of the Buddha the king knew that 
he was speaking from an affectionate interest in his rela- 
tives, and the king was accordingly moved to recall his 
army. The Buddha repeated the interview with the king 
twice and then left the Sakyas to the consequences of 
their karma. 

The number of Sakya maidens carried off by Virudhaka 


is reduced to six in the Vibhasha-lun', but some other 
treatises have the 500 of our text. 2 In one treatise the 
number of the maidens is raised to 12 000, and they are 
all made whole by Buddha, and become bhikshuius.s 

The Chinese words here rendered "abusing the king as 
a son of a slave" are translated by Julien — "accablerent 
d'injures les fils de la famille royale". But this cannot be 
accepted; and the meaning seems clearly to be that the 
young ladies called their king insultingly "son of a slave", 
that is, of a slave mother. Virudhaka's mother, we know, 
had actually been a household slave, but "son of a female 
slave" seems to have been among the Sakyas a favourite 
term of abuse for the king of Kosala. 

By the "three ways of transmigration" of Buddha's 
address to the maidens the pilgrim probably meant us to 
understand the way of pain, the way of perplexity, and 
the way of moral action. These three "ways" are the 
agents which by their constant interaction produce the 
ceaseless revolutions of life and death.* But the term 
san-t'u (or its equivalent san-tao) is also used by the 
Buddhists in several other senses. 

Continuing his narrative the pilgrim relates that three or four 
li to the north-west of the Jetavana Vihara was the "Wood of 
obtained eyes {Ti-yen-lin f^ 0^ i^) in which were traces of an 
exercise-place of the Buddha, and scenes of arhats' samadhi, all 
marked by memorial topes. The story was that once 500 brig- 
ands had harried this country. When these criminals were arrest- 
ed king Prasenajit caused their eyes to be torn out, and the men 
to be abandoned in a deep wood. Here they cried in their 
Bufferings on the Buddha who, in the Jetavana monastery, heard 
their cry, and was moved with pity. A genial breeze blew heal- 
ing from the Snow-Mountains, and the men regained eyes and 
sight. When they saw the Buddha before them they became 
converted, paid joyful homage to the Buddha, and went away 
leaving their sticks which took root. 

» Ch. 11. 

' TsSng-yi-a-han-ching, ch. 26; Sar. Vin. Tsa-shih, ch. 9; Eockhill 
Life p. 121. 

3 Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ching, ch. 14 (No. 114), 
« Ta-ming-sau-tsang-fa-shu, ch. 13 (No. 1621). 


Fa-hsien, who also places the "Wood of obtained eyes" 
four li to the north-west of the Jetavana Vihara, does not 
know of brigands, and the 500 who receive their sight 
and plant their sticks were blind men resident at the 
monastery. Julian suggests "Aptanetravana" as possibly 
the Sanskrit original for "Wood of obtained eyes", but 
we know that the name was Andhavana. This means the 
dark or blind wood, and it was translated by An-lin (^ ^) 
with the same meaning, or by Ohou{^-an-lin, the "Wood 
of day-darkness". "Obtained Eyes" and "Opened Eyes" 
(k'ai-yen) are names which must have been given long 
after the Buddha's time, and it is possible that they exist 
only in translations. The Andhavana, as we learn from 
the pilgrims and the Buddhist scriptures, was a favourite 
resort of the Buddhist Brethren for meditation and other 
spiritual exercises. Here the early bhikshus and bhik- 
shunis spent a large portion of their time in the afternoons 
sitting under the trees on the mats which they had carried 
on their shoulders for the purpose. The Wood was very 
cool and quiet, impervious to the sun's rays, and free from 
mosquitoes and other stinging torments.^ 

Before we pass on to the next city in our pilgrim's 
narrative we may notice some of the more important 
omissions from his list of the interesting sights of the 
Sravasti district. There were two mountains in this dis- 
trict, one called the T'a-shan or Pagoda Hill, that is per- 
haps, Chaityagiri, and the other called the Sa (in some 
texts V'o)-lo-lo or Salar (?) mountain, and of neither of 
these have we any mention.^ Some of the serious Brethren 
in the early church resorted to these mountains, and lived 
on them for several months. Then our pilgrim does not 
notice the A-chi-lo (|5flJ g| (or ^) ^) or Aciravati River 

• See Seng-ki-lii, ch, 9; Tseng-yi-a-han-ching, ch. 33; Vibhasha- 
lun, ch. 13; Sam. Nik. Vol. I. p. 128, 135 (P. T. S.). In the Seng- 
ki-lii {ch. 29) we find the rendering "opening eyes wood", and so in 
other places. 

2 Seng-ki-lii, ch. 32 {T'a-^han); Chung-a-han-ching, ch. 8 (So or P'o 
-lo-lo 8han). 


which flowed south-eastwards past the Sravasti city: nor 
does he mention the Sundara (or Sun-t'e-U) or Sundarlka 
River. • We read in other books also of the "Pond of 
Dismemberment", and this is not mentioned by the pilgrim. 
It was the basin of water near which the Sakya maidens 
were mutilated and left to perish. This is apparently the 
Fu-to-li, the "celebrated water of Sravasti", also called 
Patali and Patala. The Tibetan translators apparently 
had Patali which they reproduce literally by "red-colour- 
ed". But the original was perhaps Patala which is the 
name of a Hell, and it will be remembered that Yuan- 
chuang places the pond or lake through which Virudhaka 
went down into Hell close to the spot at which the mai- 
dens were mutilated. Then the lake is said to have re- 
ceived a name from this dismemberment. In the Avadana 
Kalpalata it is called the Hastagarbha or "Hand-contain- 
ing" Lake, and this is apparently the meaning of the 
Tibetan name which Kockhill seems to translate "the 
pool of the severed hand". 2 Then that one of the Eight 
Great Topes of the Buddha which was at Sravasti is not 
mentioned, unless we are to regard it as the tope at 
Buddha's shrine already noticed. But the strangest and 
most unaccountable omission is that of the Purvarama or 
East monastery. This great and famous establishment 
was erected by Visakha known in religion as "Mrigara's 
Mother". She was actually the daughter-in-law of Mrigara; 
but after she converted that man, and made him a devout 
Buddhist, she was called his mother. In Pali her mona- 
stery is called Pubbarama Migaramatu Pasada, that is, 
the East Monastery the Palace of Migara's mother. This 
name is translated literally into Chinese, but the trans- 
lators also render Migaramatu by Z/u-mu or "Deer-mother", 
and Migara is "Deer-son". This monastery which was 

1 Seng-ki-lu, ch. 15 et al. [A-chi-fo river); Chung-a-Jian-ching, 
ch. 29; Tseng-yi-a-han-ching, ch. 6; Tsa-a-han-ching, ch. 47; Sam. 
Nik. Vol. I. p. 167; Fa-chii-pi-yii-ching, ch. 1. 

2 Seng-ki-lii, ch. 3; Shih-sung-lii, ch. 46; Kookhill Life p. 121. 


second only to the Jetavana Vihara was in a disused royal 
park. There were buildings at it for the residence of the 
hhikshus and bhikshunis, and there were quiet halls for 
meditation and for religious discourse. Fa-hsien makes 
mention of this famous establishment and places its site 
six or seven li to the north-east of the Jetavana Vihara. 
This agrees with references to the monastery in other 
books which place it to the east (or in the east part) of 
the city, and not far from the Jetavana. * 

Above sixty li to the north-west of Sravasti, the pilgrim 
narrates, was an old city, the home of Easyapa the previous 
Buddha. To the south of this old city was a tope where this 
Buddha after attaining bodhi met his father, and to the north 
of the city was a tope with his bodily relics: these two topes 
had been erected by king Asoka. 

Fa-hsien, who places Ka^yapa Buddha's natal city 50 U 
to the west of Sravasti, calls the city Ty^tvei (^ -HI). These 
characters probably represent a soimd like Topi, and the 
city is perhaps that called Thi-yi in a Vinaya treatise. 2 
Fa-hsien also mentions topes at the places where Ka^yapa 
Buddha met his father, where he died, and where his body 
was preserved, but he does not ascribe any of these topes 
to Asoka. Hardy's authority makes Benares to have been 
the city of this Buddha and this agrees with several siitras 
in Chinese translations. In a Vinaya treatise Benares is 
the city, and the king Ki-li-Jci (^ ^ i^R) erects a grand 
tope at the place of Kassapa Buddha's cremation. ^ 

1 M. B. p. 233; Angut. Nik. Vol. III. p. 344 (P. T. S.); Tsa-a- 
han-ching, ch. 36; Chung-a-han-ching, ch. 29; Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch. 3. 
The term Purvarama (or Pubbarama) is sometimes interpreted as 
meaning "what was formerly an arama", or "a former arama", but 
this does not seem so suitable as "East arama". In the Sar. Vin. 
Tsa-shih, ch. 11, 1-ching has Lu-tzii-mu-chiu-yuan (^ ^ -f^ ^ J) 
or "the old arama of Migaramata"- 

2 Tu-yi (^ ^) is called a chU-lao of the Sravasti country in Seng- 
ki-lu, eh. 23. 

3 M. B. p. 99: Ch'i-Fo-fu-mn-hsing-tzu-ching (No. 626); Fo-shuc- 
ch'i-Fo-ching (No. 860); Fo-shuo-Fo-ming-ching, ch. 9 (No. 404) where 
the name of the city chih-shih (^p ^) is said to be an old name 


There were some other places of interest to Bud- 
dhists which are described in Buddhist books as being 
in this Kosala country. One of these was the Ka-li-lo 
i'M f'J ^) Hall which was at a large cave not far from 
the capital, i This transcription is perhaps for Katlra which 
means a cave, and may have been the name of a hill; or it 
may be for Kareru, a place often mentioned in the Pali 
books. It was in the Kalilo HaU that the Buddha deliver- 
ed the very interesting cosmological sutra entitled "Ch'i- 
shih-yin-pen-ching". Then near the capital was the So- 
h-lo (^ j^ ^), that is, Salara hill, with steep sides, in the 
caves of which Aniruddha and some hundreds of other 
bhikshus lodged.^ Farther away and about three yojanas 
from Sravasti was the Sakya village called Lu-t^ang (J| ^) 
or Deer-Hall. Here the Buddha had an establishment in 
which he lodged and preached, and in which he was visited 
by the king of Kosala, 3 

for Benares: Sar. Vin. Tsa-shih, ch. 25, where Ki-li-ki king of Benares 
erects a grand tope to this Buddha. 

1 Ch'i-shih-yin-pen-ching (No. 

2 Ohung-a-han-ching, ch. 19. 
' Tseng-yi-a-han-ching, eh. 32.